The centuries-old “sea of humanity” concept of warfighting was being replaced by modern ideas, but it would take several generations to eliminate the old ways—and the old inertia. Chin Po Zihong was a daring leader who truly believed China was destined to rule Asia, but he was not the best tactician. It was Chin who had tried to form an alliance with a socialist government faction in the Philippines; it was Chin who had devised the current alliance among China, North Korea, and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Although both programs had ended in disaster, thanks to the United States Air Force, the political ties still held firm, and there was no doubt that China was becoming a major economic, political, and military force in Asia.
“A very positive attitude, Comrade General,” Jiang said. “But what about the Americans? What will their response be? In the past, they have threatened nuclear war with Zhongguo to protect the Nationalists. Only the threat of nuclear war kept us from reoccupying Quemoy in 1958.”
“The Americans have no interest in the region, and they certainly have no stomach for nuclear war,” Chin said confidently. “We have historical and legal rights to Taiwan, a fact that has never been disputed by the Americans. Even after the Philippines conflict, America has no presence in the area. Private American companies assisted us in exploiting the wealth of the region—that is the extent of American presence. As always, their government’s policy is dictated by the capitalist overlords, and for now the capitalists demand that they help us exploit the oil deposits, so they dictate that their government step aside. But now it is our time to enjoy what is rightfully and legally ours.
“The United States will complain of our actions, but the deed will be done, and after time the conflict will be forgotten,” Chin went on in a loud, demonstrative voice. “China invests twenty-seven billion dollars a year in the United States; we are responsible for creating ten million jobs in that country alone. They dare not start a war that might result in our country withdrawing all that economic support. Their carriers are not in position to oppose us. Why? Because they fear our economic power, and they fear an unpopular and costly war for a province they do not care about—Taiwan. The United States wants China united again. They do not want a divided China because they have suffered defeat in every other such conflict in Asia—Korea and Vietnam. They fight for a nation that cares nothing about the United States, and they are defeated. They will not fight for Taiwan.”
There was a general nodding of heads in the commission chamber, Jiang observed—all except Admiral Sun. The Black Tiger had been the most enthusiastic and vocal supporter of the idea of asserting dominance in Asia, now, when the actual framework of a plan was introduced, he was silent. Sun was not brooding or resentful because he had been slapped down by General Chin.
. . . and then Jiang realized that Admiral Sun actually dared to disagree with his superior officer, in the middle of a Central Military Commission meeting! Sun was still sitting on his hands, not averting his eyes but not meeting Chin’s murderous gaze either. To everyone’s surprise, Jiang turned to the youngest of all his generals and asked, “Comrade Sun, do you agree with General Chin’s assessment?”
Sun moved slowly to his feet, riveting the attention of all. He stood and bowed to Jiang, then said, “Sir, Sun-tzu advises us that being unconquerable lies within oneself, and that being conquerable lies within the enemy. In that regard, I agree with General Chin—we must quickly retake Taiwan, capture and imprison all Kuomintang officials, and heavily fortify it with our best naval, air, and air defense forces. But with all due respect, I do not agree with General Chin regarding an attack on Quemoy, or about the Americans.”
“Oh? Explain yourself, Admiral.”
“Comrade General Chin is quite correct: the American capitalists and special interests determine the law and direction of government in the United States,” Sun went on. “The American government does not interfere in the South China Sea because the American oil companies profit by operating the drilling platforms; they do not side with the Nationalists because it is in their economic interests to side with. us. But if we bombard Taiwan or Quemoy and imprison or kill theJMationalist leadership, they will seek retribution from the American government and its military forces. And as mighty as the People’s Liberation Army is, we cannot long stand against a strong, determined, organized American military. It would be a complete failure. My former commander of the South China Sea Fleet, Admiral Yin Po Lun, acting on orders from General Chin, proved this.
“In my opinion, the Nationalist forces on Quemoy can easily withstand a blockade, bombardment, and even a full-scale invasion long enough for the United States to organize a counterattack,” Sun went on. “Meanwhile, our country would suffer the anger of world opinion. We would be twice defeated.”
General Chin looked as if he were about to explode; the other generals shifted resdessly, offended but interested enough to want to hear more before they tore off this insolent pup’s stars. What nerve! Jiang thought. What courage! Sun could be dead in four hours—Chin could never allow Sun to remain on his general staff after this blatant show of disrespect, and Jiang knew of Chins henchmen that would work secretly and effectively to cause Sun to have an untimely, unexplained “accident”—but Jiang admired him his youthful strength and audacity. Chin thundered, “I order you to leave this chamber and report to—! ”
Jiang raised a hand. “I wish for the young admiral to continue,” he said, then turned his hand palm upward, a signal to continue. Chin looked as if he had been slapped—he even rubbed his face, as if still feeling the blow. Jiang said, “So, Comrade Admiral, you think we cannot prevail against the Americans?”
“Not in a direct engagement with an organized, determined, and bloodthirsty American military force, sir,” Sun replied. “The American military—any large military force, including our own—is like a large, heavy sledgehammer. It is unwieldy and takes great strength to employ, but once in action, it is highly effective. Hammer against hammer, army against army, the American military is clearly superior, and Sun-tzu teaches us to evade a superior opponent.
“But the buzzing of a single mosquito, the hot rays of the sun, or a single bead of sweat in the eyes can disrupt he who wields the hammer enough so that his blows are less effective, or can even prevent him from swinging the hammer altogether. Even more important, if the target of the hammers blow is small, irregular, or moves too quickly, even the best smith can miss his mark. After several ineffective blows, the strongest smith will tire, lose patience, make mistakes, and eventually cease. He has lost. He has been defeated by a vastly inferior force—and he has been defeated by himself.
“Sir, I have studied the tao of the American military, and I have examined our tao, and my studies conclude that the Americans have no desire for prolonged battle in Asia. Asia in general and China in particular have an aura of deadly mystery and foreboding for Westerners—they fear China’s massive population, its history of violence and warfare, our homogeneous society, and the knowledge we have gained over centuries of civilization. Americans in particular are reluctant to have anything to do with us, fearing to be drawn into another protracted Vietnam-like battle—they fear traveling far from home, of being drawn into a dark tunnel of mystery and killed by punji sticks and knives carried by billions of tiny yellow hands. And they are far weaker than they appear. The American navy is three-fourths the size it was in 1991 after the Persian Gulf War; the American air force is almost half the size. American forces in Japan, including Okinawa, have been cut in half since 1992. And for all their bluster about safeguarding Taiwan, the United States still has not recognized the Nationalist government and still has no embassy, consulate, bases, soldiers, advisors, or equipment there. During the Olympic games last year, the Americans even referred to the rebel government as ‘Chinese Taipei,’ not as ‘Taiwan’ or the ‘Republic of China.’
“But even so, Comrade General Chin is wrong—the American president Martindale will send in his carriers,” Sun went on. “Two of them are
within four days’ steaming time to Taiwan, and within two weeks a third will join them. The U.S. government claims that the three carriers will rendezvous somewhere in the Philippine Sea for what they term a ‘photo opportunity,’ because one of the carriers supposedly will be decommissioned, but we all know that these carriers are rendezvousing to set up an attack on our homeland. They will set up east of Taiwan so they can take advantage of air defense protection from Taiwan and appear not to be concerned about events in China, but close enough so they can conduct air attacks on our ships and land bases if war breaks out. We must not blindly cruise within range of the Americans’ carrier-based attack planes. Instead, we must draw the carriers toward us.
“The key to victory over the Americans is contained in the words of Sun-tzu: we must draw their carriers away from the protection of the Nationalists’ air defense forces and into ‘fatal terrain’—that is, a battleground where they must be unconquerable, where they must fight with reckless abandon and complete disregard for any protest against the campaign, or face total defeat. In order to draw them into fatal terrain, we must force them to come to the rescue or force them to intervene with the thought of preventing a conflict. That conflict is Taiwan, comrades. In the confines of the Strait, we can destroy the carriers. At the same time, we strike at the most likely resupply and air staging base in the area: Okinawa. Once Okinawa is destroyed, American forces will be forced to stage out of the heart of Japan, and so the threat to Japan becomes clear—”
“You speak in double-talk, Sun,” General Chin shouted. “You talk about dancing around the American carriers, but then talk about a full frontal assault on Okinawa. How do you expect to destroy one of the Americans’ strongest bases, comrade?”
Without one change in his expression or voice, Admiral Sun said matter-of-factly, “We should by all means use our nuclear arsenal.”
The reaction was swift and powerful—and all of it against Sun. President Jiang called for order, and his command was echoed by the sergeant-at-arms and his officers. Jiang said crossly, “Admiral Sun, you are to be reprimanded once again for your impertinence and ignorance. It is obvious you are not familiar with the Party’s policy on the use of nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons.”
“If I may speak, sir—I am very familiar with the Communist Party’s policy,” Sun said. “The government of China and the Chinese Communist Party officially rejects the first use of nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons because it conflicts with the ideals of peaceful unification of all the peoples of the world under socialism. I studied the policy towards the use of special weapons in both the National Academy and the College of War, and advised the office of the premier on its implementation.”
“Then you should know that no one on this Commission or the Communist Party is suggesting or even contemplating the use of nuclear weapons against the Americans, Admiral.”
“On the contrary, sir, I know their use is contemplated quite often,” Sun said, calmly but firmly. “I know exactly at what bases they are kept, how many, and which missiles and ships carry them—including the carrier Mao Zedong.”
General Chin looked as if he was ready to murder Sun with his bare hands. “Sit down, damn you, Sun!” he ordered from between clenched teeth. “Be silent!”
“I will not be silent!” Admiral Sun said. His voice rang like a shot through the Commission chamber, and it had the same effect as if a real gun had been fired in that room. “We seem content to have our foreign policy dictated by the Americans, even though the Americans have no cohesive policy with regards to Asia except the furtherance of fair trade— fair only to themselves, of course. The threat of American military intervention paralyzes this commission, even though we have it in our power to reduce or perhaps eliminate the force of American intervention, or even whether or not they will choose to intervene.”
“I order you, be silent, Sun!” Chin shouted. “Be seated!”
“Wait, General,” Jiang said. He motioned to Sun. “Speak, Admiral, but be warned—your fitness for your post will be determined by what you say here to this commission.”
“I will accept that, sir,” Sun said resolutely. “Comrade President, members of this commission, the Party and our government has said that it wishes our country first to reunify with the pieces lost to us by foreign conquests—namely, Senkaku Dao, Formosa Dao, and Nansha Dao—and second to make China the preeminent power in Asia for all time. These are worthy goals. I believe we have the support of the people, which Sun- tzu says is necessary before the ruler may charge the generals with preparations for war, and so we should carry out this mandate immediately.
“But it is obvious to me, as I am sure it is to you, that the United States, by its foreign policy and tremendous military might, is the dominant force in Asia now. We do not retake Formosa, Quemoy, or Matsu from the Nationalists because we fear American intervention. We do not retake the Senkaku Islands, taken from us by Japan, again for fear of retaliation from the Americans. But we have retaken the Nansha Dao, what the West calls the Spratly Islands, and America has done nothing—in fact, American companies help us pump oil and natural gas out of fields we took from other countries. America does not care about what happens in Asia, as long as it does not affect their bottom line—their ability to make money.
“But our very political and social framework is under attack by America. They try to influence our laws, tell us not to limit how many children our families can have, or tell us to buy more automobiles, televisions, and blue jeans or else they will not permit our goods to be sold anywhere in the world. This evil influence is strangling our very souls, comrades, and I see no solution except one: remove the Americans from Asia, permanently. This means destroy the American aircraft carriers and destroy the main American military staging base on the island of Okinawa. We have no choice, comrades.”
“You are advocating nuclear war with the Americans?” General Chin retorted. “Are you insane, Sun? It will spell certain annihilation!”
“Nuclear war with America is not inevitable, Comrade General,” Sun said. “America has almost completely eliminated its ability to wage nuclear war—they believe it is unthinkable and unnecessary, given their perceived conventional weapons technological superiority. In a war that does not threaten American lives or territory, my studies conclude that America, even led by a hawk such as their president Kevin Martindale, will not launch a nuclear strike against us. But if we are determined to win, then we must acknowledge that we shall use nuclear weapons against the Americans. We can be secure in the knowledge that America will not retaliate with nuclear weapons unless their homeland is attacked, and that even if they do employ nuclear weapons against us, we can withstand the attack as a nation.
“We can use our subatomic arsenal, our neutron bombs, to eradicate the Nationalist forces on Quemoy and Matsu—quickly, before the Americans can react,” Sun said. “We can hide the attack behind a blockade and bombardment, but the truth will be known soon enough anyway. But the Nationalists cannot hide from the effects of a neutron bomb in their bunkers and tunnels. Before the American carriers arrive, we will have retaken Quemoy.”
President Jiang was startled, even a bit intimidated, by Sun’s ideas and by the strength of his convictions—but he was also intrigued by them. Here was a military man who was not afraid to lead, Jiang thought. Here was an officer who studied Chinese military history and ancient Chinese military teachings, then employed those time-honored and time-tested ideas to solve modern-day problems. Here was a man of action, a man willing to lead a struggle of liberation against the most technologically powerful military force ever known—the United States of America.
And he was not afraid to use the most terrible weapons known to man: atomic weapons, especially the neutron bomb. The neutron bomb, developed from stolen U.S. plans ten years earlier, was a small, “dirty” nuclear device that killed by saturating the target area with radiation. The nuclear yield was small enough that blast damage was confined to a few hundred m
eters from “ground zero,” but the effects on human beings of the neutron radiation released by the weapon was devastating. Any living creature within two miles of the blast would die of radiation poisoning within forty-eight hours, no matter how deep underground they were; unprotected humans within five miles of the blast would die within seventy-two hours. Further, all significant traces of radiation would be gone within a week, leaving structures and machines virtually untouched and unaffected. The People’s Liberation Army could march in and take Quemoy without firing a shot.
“You speak of not conducting a direct engagement against American air or naval forces,” Jiang asked, “but you speak of destroying American carriers and bases. Can you explain how this can be done, Admiral Sun? Do you plan on exploding nuclear weapons all over the Pacific now? ”
The confident smile that spread across Ji Guoming’s face was filled with energy and enthusiasm—two emotions so alien in this old Commission chamber. “Comrade President,” Sun said, “Sun-tzu teaches us that the army goes to war in the orthodox, but is victorious in the unorthodox. That is the key to victory against the Americans.”
As Jiang Zemin and the other members of the Military Commission listened, it soon became obvious that Admiral Sun had carefully thought this plan out, and that he was highly intelligent and his staff highly competent. In just a few minutes, President Jiang actually believed that this man, this Black Tiger, could pull off the impossible.
“The admiral should be congratulated for the attention to detail and daring of his plan,” General Chin said, after Sun had finished. “But it is also a reckless and dangerous plan, one that could spell disaster to the republic if a full-scale confrontation breaks out. I feel that Admiral Sun wants vengeance, and that in his thirst for revenge he is not thinking of the people nor of the fatherland. Your ideas have much merit, Comrade Admiral, and may withstand serious scrutiny by the Plans and Operations bureau of the Military Commission. But I believe the president wishes us to formulate a strategy that will achieve the Party’s objectives quickly and effectively. The carrier Mao and the task force will accomplish those objectives.”
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