The incidents of the war itself do not belong to a work such as this; but, tantalizing as it must be to an historian of any class to pass over the brilliant series of achievements which gave Britain the glory of being twice[175] the principal agent in the deliverance of Continental Europe, the glories of Salamanca, Victoria, Orthes, and Waterloo must be left to other writers, who, it is not unpatriotic to hope, may never again have similar cause for exulting descriptions. But out of the crowning triumph of Waterloo a difficulty arose which, though it may be difficult to characterize the principle on which it was settled, since it was not strictly a question of constitutional, international, or military law; and though the circumstances were so peculiar that the conclusion adopted is never likely to be referred to as a precedent, seems still deserving of a brief mention, especially as an act of Parliament was passed to sanction the decision of the cabinet. Baffled by the vigilance of our cruisers in every attempt to escape from one of the western ports of France to America, Napoleon was at last compelled to surrender himself to a British squadron. But, though he was our prisoner, the Prime-minister considered us, in all our dealings with him, as so bound by engagements to our allies, that he was to be regarded as "the common prisoner of all, so far that we should not give him up or release him without the joint consent of all." The question was full of difficulty. There were, probably, very few persons in this or any other country who did not coincide in the impropriety of releasing him, and so putting it in his power once more to rekindle a war in Europe. But it was a political view of the case, founded on a consideration of what was required by the tranquillity of Europe; and it was not easy to lay down any legal ground to justify the determination. Some regarded him as a French subject, and, if that view were correct, he could hardly be detained by us as a prisoner of war after we had concluded a treaty of peace with France. But, again, it seemed to some, the Lord Chancellor being among them, a questionable point whether in the last campaign we had been at war with France; whether, on the contrary, we had not assumed the character of an ally of France against him. And, on the supposition that we had been at war with France, a second question was raised by Lord Ellenborough, the Chief-justice, "what rights result on principle from a state of war, as against all the individuals of the belligerent nations-rights, whatever they may be, seldom, if ever, enforced against individuals, because individuals hardly ever make war but as part of an aggregate nation." The question-as, after consultation with Lord Ellenborough and his own brother, Sir William Scott, it finally appeared to Lord Eldon, on whom the Prime-minister naturally depended, as his chief legal counsellor, though in its political aspect he judged for himself-was, firstly, "whether it could possibly be inconsistent with justice or the law of nations that, till some peace were made by treaty with some person considered as Napoleon's sovereign, or till some peace were made with himself, we should keep him imprisoned in some part of our King's dominions." And, secondly, "whether there were any person who could possibly be considered his sovereign, after the treaty of 1814 had clothed him with the character of Emperor of Elba, with imperial dignity and imperial revenue." Lord Liverpool himself, however, raised another question: whether, by his invasion of France, he had not forfeited his right to be regarded as an independent sovereign; resting this doubt on a suggestion which, among others, he proposed to the Lord Chancellor, that "at Elba he enjoyed only a limited and conditional sovereignty, which ceased when the condition on which he held it was violated."
This last suggestion, it must be confessed, appears untenable, as totally inconsistent with the language of the Treaty of Fontainebleau, under the provisions of which Napoleon became sovereign of Elba, and which does not contain a single article which bears out the opinion that his sovereignty was limited or conditional. On the contrary, the words of the treaty expressly agree that "Elba should form during his life a separate principality, which should be possessed by him in full sovereignty and property."
There is no need to discuss the views of Blucher. On the news of Napoleon's landing at Frejus reaching the plenipotentiaries assembled at the Congress of Vienna, they at once issued a declaration that, "in breaking the convention which had established him at Elba, Buonaparte" (for they refused him his imperial appellation of Napoleon) "had destroyed the only legal title on which his existence depended.... He had placed himself out of the pale of civil and social relations, and, as the enemy and disturber of the peace of the world, he was delivered over to public justice." And the old Prussian, burning with a desire to avenge the indignities and injuries which he had inflicted on Prussia, avowed his determination to execute him as an outlaw, if he should fall into his hands. And it is still less worthwhile to inquire-though Lord Holland in his place in Parliament did desire the House to consult the judges on the point-whether, if Napoleon were a prisoner of war, he "were not entitled to his habeas corpus, if detained after the signature of a treaty of peace with all the powers, or any of which he could be considered as the subject."
On the whole, the simplest view of the position and of our detention of him, the view most reconcilable with the principles which regulate the waging and the relinquishing a state of war, seems to be to consider that Napoleon was a sovereign with whom we were at war; that that war could only be terminated by a treaty of peace between ourselves and him; that it rested with us to conclude, or to abstain from concluding, any such treaty; and that, till we should conclude it, we had clearly a right to detain him as a prisoner of war. It must, at the same time, be admitted that modern history afforded no precedent for the detention of a prisoner for his whole life (unless, indeed, Elizabeth's imprisonment of the Queen of Scots may be considered as one), and that the most solid justification for it was necessity. To quote the language of Lord Eldon, "I believe it will turn out that, if you can't make this a casus exceptionis or omissus in the law of nations, founded upon necessity, you will not really know what to say upon it. Salus Reipublicae suprema lex, as to one state; Salus omnium Rerumpublicarum must be the suprema lex as to this case."[176]
In the course of the year 1818 a somewhat singular question as to the position of the Regent was raised by a claim advanced by Colonel Berkeley to produce his Royal Highness as a witness in a court of law. The Prince consulted the Prime-minister, and the Prime-minister referred it to the Attorney and Solicitor General, not concealing his own impression that it could not be consistent with his constitutional position and prerogative for the King to appear as a witness to be subjected to examination and cross-examination.[177] They, in their statement of opinion, assumed it to be an undeniable principle of the constitution that the sovereign, "by reason of his royal character, could not give testimony." And therefore they had no doubt that the Regent, exercising his authority, was equally prevented from so doing. Colonel Berkeley's counsel had urged that, even if he could not appear in open court and be sworn, he had the privilege of communicating his evidence in a peculiar mode, by certificate under the Sign Manual or Great Seal. But the Attorney and Solicitor General professed that they could not discover whence this last privilege was derived; they urged, as an insurmountable objection to such a contrivance, that "all instruments under the Sign Manual or Great Seal must, in point of form, be in the name of and on behalf of the King, which would manifestly be incongruous when the evidence certified was not that of the King, but of the Regent himself." And they quoted a case in which Lord Chief-justice Willes had said "that the certificate of the King, under his Sign Manual, of a fact (except in an old case in Chancery) had always been refused." As it had been urged also, on Colonel Berkeley's behalf, that the Prince had formerly "joined in proving the will of the Duke of Brunswick," his brother-in-law, they farther expressed an opinion that "he ought not to have done so, but should have left it to the other executors."
On the point whether "the King himself could give evidence orally or in any other manner," their opinion expressed very plainly the principle on which they maintained that he could not. "That he was not compellable to do so;
that he could not be sworn (there being no power capable of administering an oath to him in a court of justice). That, whether his testimony be given viva voce or otherwise, no question in chief or on cross-examination could be proposed to him, was admitted by Colonel Berkeley's counsel. And that his testimony must be conclusive as to the facts stated by him, appeared necessarily to follow from the perfection ascribed by law to his royal character. For such remarkable exceptions, therefore, to the case of all other witnesses they could not but think that strong and decisive authority ought to be produced; while the silence of text-writers on the subject, so far from being favorable to the notion that the King can give evidence, appeared to afford a directly contrary inference." And they summed up their opinion in a few words: "that his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, while in the personal exercise of the royal authority, was in the situation of the King in this respect, and that the King could not by any mode give evidence as a witness in a civil suit."
It is very improbable that Colonel Berkeley should have made the application without previously ascertaining the willingness of the Prince to give evidence, could such a course be permitted. And as his Royal Highness, on receiving this opinion of the law-officers of the crown, did not come forward as a witness, that opinion may be held to have settled the question. And, apart from the constitutional objections relied on by those able lawyers, it is evident that there would be serious practical objections to the sovereign being made a witness. It would be derogatory to his royal character to put himself in a position where comments could be made, either by the opposing barrister or by the public outside, on his evidence. And, on the other hand, it would be perilously unfair to one litigant for his adversary to be able to produce a witness who was not subject to cross-examination, nor to remarks upon his testimony.
The reign of George III. was now drawing to its close, and, if it produced no legislation affecting the principles of the constitution (it will presently be seen that it did produce one measure which its opponents branded as a violation of these principles), yet in its last years it witnessed the revival of an agitation which was kept up with varying animation till it was temporarily quieted by the concession of its demands. We have seen that one of Pitt's earliest efforts at legislation had been directed to a reform in Parliament, an object which to the end of his life he considered of great importance, though the revolutionary spirit aroused by the troubles in France, and the open sympathy with the French Jacobins and Republicans avowed by a party among ourselves-which, if numerically weak, was sufficiently loud and active to be dangerous-prevented him from ever re-opening the subject. But, though the French Revolution in this way proved for the time an insurmountable obstacle to the success of the reformers, in another way it insured the revival of the question, by the general spirit of inquiry which it awakened among the population at large, and which soon went beyond the investigation of any single abuse or anomaly. For even less far-sighted statesmen than Pitt confessed the existence of much that was not only theoretically indefensible, but practically mischievous. The period, little short of a century, which elapsed between the death of William III. and Pitt's accession to office had been one of almost complete stagnation and apathy. The Scotch Union, the Septennial Bill, the establishment of a militia, and the Place Bill of 1743 were the only instances of any legislation deserving the name of constitutional which made the reigns of Anne and the first two Georges memorable. And in the very nature of things it was impossible that, after so long a slumber, there should not be much to do, and many, whether capable or incapable, eager to bear a share in the work. The sudden cessation of the excitement of war had begotten a restless craving for some other excitement to take its place, and none seemed so creditable as energy and acuteness in the discovery and removal of abuses. Complaints were made, and not without reason, of the working of the poor-law; of the terrible severity of our criminal code; of the hardships and sufferings of the younger members of the working classes, especially in the factories; of the ignorance of a large portion of the people, in itself as prolific a cause of mischief and crime as any other. But, though committees and commissions were appointed by Parliament to investigate the condition of the kingdom in respect of these matters, a feeling was growing up that no effectual remedy would be applied till the constitution of the House of Commons itself were reformed, so as to make it a more real representation of the people than it could as yet be considered. And a farther stimulus to this wish for such a Parliamentary reform was supplied by the distress which a combination of circumstances spread among almost all classes in the years immediately following the conclusion of the second treaty of peace.[178] The harvests of the years 1816 and 1817 were unusually deficient, and this pressed heavily on the farmers and landed proprietors. The merchants and manufacturers, who, while every part of the Continent was disturbed or threatened by the operations of contending armies, had practically enjoyed almost a monopoly of the trade of the world, found their profits reduced, by the new competition to which the re-establishment of peace exposed them, to a point which compelled them to a severe reduction of expenditure. The uncertainty felt as to the results to be brought about by the inevitable repeal of the Bank Act of 1797, and the return to cash payments-results which it was impossible to estimate correctly beforehand-had a tendency to augment the distress, by the general feeling of uneasiness and distrust which it created. And the employers of labor could not suffer without those who depended on them for employment suffering still more severely. The consequence was, that there was a general stagnation of trade; numbers of artisans and laborers of every kind were thrown out of work, and their enforced idleness and poverty, which was its result, made them ready to become the tools of demagogues such as are never wanting in the hour of distress and perplexity. Meetings were convened, ostensibly to petition for reform, but in reality to afford opportunities for mob-orators, eager for notoriety, to denounce the government and those whom they styled the "ruling classes," as the causes of the present and past evils. From these meetings multitudes issued forth ripe for mischief. In some places they rose against the manufacturers, and destroyed their machines, to the recent introduction of which they attributed their want of employment. In others, still more senselessly, they even set fire to the stores of grain in the corn-dealers' warehouses, aggravating by their destruction the most painful of their own sufferings. On one occasion, a mob which had assembled in one of the eastern districts of London, on pretence of framing a petition to be presented to the Prince Regent, at the close of the meeting paraded the streets with a tricolor flag, the emblem of the French Revolutionists, and pillaged a number of shops, especially those of the gun-makers, spreading terror through all that side of the metropolis. In at least one instance the violence of the rioters rose to the height of treason. Assassins fired at the Regent in the Park as he was returning from the House of Lords, whither he had been to open Parliament; and when it was found that they had missed their aim, the mob attacked the royal carriage, pelting it with large stones, and breaking the windows; nor was it without some difficulty that the escort of troops cleared a path for him through the mob, and enabled him to reach Carlton House in safety.
The first effect of these outrages was to damage the cause of Reform itself, even such uncompromising reformers as Lord Grey denouncing "meetings at which extensive schemes of Reform were submitted to individuals incapable of judging of their propriety." The second consequence was to compel the ministers to take steps to prevent a recurrence of such tumults and crimes. At first they were contented with a temporary suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act; but, even while that suspension was in force, it did not entirely prevent meetings, at some of which the language of the speakers certainly bordered on sedition; and when the suspension was taken off, fresh meetings on a larger scale, and of a more tumultuous character than ever, were held in more than one rural district; finally, in July of 1819, the whole kingdom was thrown into a violent state of excitement by a meeting held at Birmingham, at which th
e leaders, assuming the newly-invented party name of Radicals, not only demanded the remodelling of the whole system of government, but, because Birmingham as yet sent no members to the House of Commons, took it upon themselves to elect Sir Charles Wolseley, a baronet of respectable family, as their representative to the Parliament, and charged him to claim a place in the House of Commons in the next session, by the side of those elected in obedience to the royal writs. Sir Charles was at once arrested on the charge of having at this meeting used seditious language calculated to lead to a breach of the peace; but the Radical leaders, far from being intimidated by this demonstration of vigor on the part of the government, immediately summoned a similar meeting in Manchester, announcing their intention to elect a representative of that great town likewise, which, though the largest of all the manufacturing towns, was also unrepresented in the Imperial Parliament. The magistrates prohibited the meeting. It was only postponed for a week, when the people assembled in such formidable numbers (no estimate reckoned them at fewer than 60,000), that the ordinary civil authorities deemed themselves unequal to dealing with it, and called in the aid first of the Yeomanry and then of a hussar regiment. The soldiers behaved with great forbearance, as soldiers always do behave on such occasions; but they were bound to execute the orders which were given them to arrest some of the leaders, and, in the tumult which was the inevitable consequence of their attempt to force a way through so dense a crowd, three or four lives were, unfortunately, lost.
So unusual a catastrophe called out the energies of both parties. The Radical leaders published manifestoes declaring the people had been "massacred" by the soldiers by the orders of the government. Meetings were held to denounce the conduct of the ministers, one being even promoted by Lord Fitzwilliam, as Lord-lieutenant of Yorkshire, a dignity of which he was instantly deprived; while, on the other hand, the grand-juries of Cheshire and Lancashire made reports of the condition of those counties to the Secretary of State, which showed that a most alarming spirit prevailed over the greater part of the district. "The most inflammatory publications had been issued in the principal towns, at a price which put them within the reach of the poorest classes of society. The training and military drilling of large bodies of men under regular leaders had been carried on to a great extent for some time, chiefly by night; and there was no doubt that an extensive manufacture of arms was going on." What was a hardly inferior symptom of danger was a system of intimidation which prevailed to a most serious degree. Many magistrates had received notices threatening their lives, and combinations had been formed to withhold custom from publicans and shopkeepers who had come forward to support the civil power. In many parts of the two counties the grand-juries declared "that no warrant of arrest or other legal process could be executed; the payment of taxes had ceased, and the landlords were threatened with the discontinuance of their rents."
The Constitutional History of England From 1760 to 1860 Page 28
