63. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, XI, 366.
64. Ibn Shaddad, RHC, III, 284.
65. Abu Shama, RHC, IV, 310.
66. Ibn Shaddad, RHC, IV, 39.
67. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, XI, 310.
68. Ibn Shaddad, RHC, III, 39–40.
69. Al-Maqrizi, Kitab al-Suluk I, 78–9; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, XI, 323–4; Abu Shama, RHC, IV, 230–4.
70. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, XI, 323–4.
71. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, XI, 323–4.
72. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, XI, 354–5. For other accounts of the killing, cf. Abu Shama, RHC, IV, 284; Ibn Shaddad, RHC, III, 39–40.
73. Abu Shama, RHC, IV, 97.
74. Abu Shama, RHC, IV, 299.
75. Ibn Shaddad, RHC, III, 252.
76. Ibn al-Athir, Atabegs, RHC, II, 278.
77. Lit.: ‘rising in the east’.
78. ‘Imad al-Din, Kharida, I, 99.
79. Abu Shama, RHC, IV, 433; cf. also ‘Imad al-Din, Fath, 230.
80. Usama, Hitti, 164–5.
81. Thorau, The Lion, 96.
82. Ibid., 96. Thorau thinks they were there for the benefit of Western seamen.
83. Ibid., 196, citing Ibn ‘Abd al-Zahir, Rawd, 350.
84. According to Abu Shama, RHC, IV, 434.
85. According to Abu Shama, RHC, IV, 434.
86. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, RHC, I, 726.
87. Ibn Shaddad, RHC, III, 231–2.
88. Abu Shama, RHC, IV, 468. Usama tells the story of a Muslim woman wearing a coat of mail and helmet and carrying a sword and shield and of an old woman who rushed into battle, sword in hand (cf. colour plate 8) (Usama, Hitti, 154).
89. Ruled 551/1156-c. 581/1185.
90. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 189–90, 207.
91. Usama, Hitti, 152, 156.
92. According to Abu Shama, RHC, IV, 434.
93. Usama, Hitti, 167.
94. Ibn Shaddad, Al-a‘laq al-khatira, Bodleian ms. Marsh 333, fol. 34a; Usama, Hitti, 159–60.
95. Usama, Hitti, 168.
96. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 320.
97. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 320.
98. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 320.
99. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 320.
100. Usama, Hitti, 161.
101. Usama, Hitti, 144.
102. Usama, Hitti, 106.
103. Usama, Hitti, 80.
104. Usama, Hitti, 175.
105. Usama, Hitti, 213 ff.
106. Nushaf/nishaf: Gabrieli’s translator gives ‘consumption’.
107. Usama, Hitti, 162; Arabic text, 133.
108. Usama, Hitti, 162–3; Arabic text, 133–4.
109. Usama, Hitti, 163; Arabic text, 134.
110. Cahen, ‘Indigènes’, 352.
111. Ibid., 352–3.
112. Arabic text, 140.
113. Arabic text, 140.
114. Al-Maqrizi, Broadhurst, 188.
115. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, X, 322–3. For a more extended discussion of the treatment of prisoners on both sides, cf. Chapter 8, 549–56.
116. ‘Imad al-Din, Fath, 56.
117. Usama, Hitti, 164.
118. Arabic text, 132.
119. Usama, Hitti, 93.
120. Usama, Hitti, 93–4.
121. Usama, Hitti, 97.
122. Arabic text, 141.
123. Usama, Hitti, 94.
124. Usama, Hitti, 95.
125. Usama, Hitti, 141.
126. Usama, Hitti, 140.
127. Quoted by Abu Shama, RHC, iv, 458.
128. For a recent discussion of this topic, cf. Mouton, Damas, 302–3.
129. Ibn al-Qalanisi, quoted by Mouton, Damas, 305.
130. Ibn al-Qalanisi, Le Tourneau, 54, 86, 128.
131. Sivan, ‘Réfugiés’, 141.
132. According to Kedar, ‘The subjected Muslims’, 150.
133. Abu Shama, RHC, IV, 409.
134. Ibn al-Qalanisi, Gibb, 129; cf. also a similar statement in Usama, Hitti, III.
135. Cahen, ‘Indigènes’, 358.
136. Ibn Tulun, Al-qala’id al-jawhariyya, ed. M. A. Duhman, Damascus, 1949, vol I, 26–39.
137. Ibn Tulun, Qala’id, 26.
138. Ibid., 27; Kedar, ‘The subjected Muslims’, 170.
139. Ibn Tulun, Qala’id, 27.
140. Ibid., 28.
141. Abu Shama, RHC, IV, 301–2.
142. According to Kedar, ‘The subjected Muslims’, 150.
143. Al-Harawi, trans. Sourdel-Thomine, 68.
144. B. Lewis, The Political Language of Islam, Chicago and London, 1991, 104.
145. Ibid., 105.
146. Ibn al-’Adim, Zubda, RHC, III, 597–8; Kedar, ‘The subjected Muslims’, 147; Cahen, La Syrie du Nord, 343.
147. Kedar, ‘The subjected Muslims’, 138.
148. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 321.
149. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 321–2.
150. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 319.
151. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 315.
152. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 316.
153. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 317.
154. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 317.
155. According to Abu Shama, RHC, IV, 301; cf. also D. Richards, ‘A text of ‘Imad al-Din on 12th century Frankish-Muslims relations’, Arabica, 25 (1978), 203.
156. Usama, Hitti, 168. For the full story, cf. Usama, Hitti, 167–8.
157. Usama, Hitti, 168.
158. For a longer discussion of the Geniza, cf. p. 395.
159. Ibn Muyassar, RHC, III, 470.
160. Ibn Muyassar, RHC, III, 471.
161. S. D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967, vol. I, 275; R. Bulliet, The Camel and the Wheel, Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1975.
162. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 264; cf. also 269.
163. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 264.
164. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 249.
165. Usama, Hitti, 38.
166. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 55–6.
167. Goitein, Mediterranean Society, I, 40; Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 313.
168. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 325.
169. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 326.
170. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 332.
171. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 327.
172. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 328.
173. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 329.
174. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 330, 333.
175. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 335.
176. Kedar, ‘The subjected Muslims’, 161–2.
177. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 318.
178. Al-Harawi, trans. Sourdel-Thomine, 65.
179. Al-Harawi, trans. Sourdel-Thomine, 70.
180. ‘Imad al-Din, Fath, quoted by Gabrieli, 170–1.
181. Cf. Qur’an, 19:2.
182. According to Abu Shama, RHC, IV, 302.
183. Cf. Gabrieli, 174.
184. M. Rosen-Ayalon, ‘Art and architecture in Ayyubid Jerusalem’, Israel Exploration Journal, 40/1 (1990), 307.
185. K. al-‘Asali, Watha’iq maqdisiyya tarikhiyya, Amman, 1983, vol. I, 9 iff.
186. Cf. pp. 334–6.
187. R. C. Smail, The Crusaders in Syria and the Holy Land, London, 1973, 187.
188. Ibid., 136.
189. Ibid., 137.
190. M. Burgoyne, Mamluk Jerusalem, London, 1987, 48 and 204–5.
191. Creswell, Muslim Architecture of Egypt, II, 199, n. 1.
192. Ibn al-Athir, RHC, I, 263.
193. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 323.
194. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 323.
195. Usama, Hitti, 157–8.
196. Usama, Hitti, 159–60.
197. Usama, Hitti, 159.
198. Usama, Hitti, 159–60.
199. ‘Imad al-Din quoted by Abu Shama, RHC, IV, 278.
200. Quatremère, 30. The other prisoner was released in order that he might inform the Franks of what had happened.
201. ‘Ifrir Liyun’. Ibn al-Furat, Lyons, 95–6.
202. Thorau, The Lion, 222, quoting Rawd, 401.
/> 203. For a general discussion of this topic, cf. Kedar, The subjected Muslims’, 135–74.
204. J. Drory, ‘Hanbalis of the Nablus region in the eleventh and twelfth centuries’, in The Medieval Levant, ed. B. Z. Kedar and A. L. Udovitch, Haifa, 1988, 95–112.
205. Arabic text, 134–5; Usama, Hitti, 163–4.
206. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 300.
207. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 318.
208. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 321.
209. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 318–19.
210. Al-Maqrizi, trans. Broadhurst, 206; cf. also Holt, Age, 64–5.
211. Cf. al-‘Azimi, 373; Ibn al-Qalanisi, Gibb, 48; Ibn Taghribirdi, Nujum, V, 150.
212. al-‘Azimi, 332.
213. Al-Maqrizi, trans. Broadhurst, 88, 94.
214. Al-Maqrizi, trans. Broadhurst, 273.
215. Ibn al-Furat, Lyons, 56; al-Maqrizi, Quatremère, 200.
216. Cf. Smail, Crusaders, 158.
217. Cf. Thorau, The Lion, 147.
218. Ibn al-Furat, Lyons, 115.
219. Hamilton concludes that since the porch was remodelled at a point when second-hand twelfth-century material was available, this work was probably done after Saladin’s reconquest of Jerusalem in 1187. Cf. R. W. Hamilton, The Structural History of the Aqsa Mosque, London, 1949, 43–4 and plates xxv: 4–5; Rosen-Ayalon,‘Art and architecture’, 310.
220. Further confirmation of the use of Crusader material is by the zigzag moulding which was found carved on the backs of twelfth-century architectural fragments. Cf. Hamilton, loc. cit.
221. Rosen-Ayalon, ‘Art and architecture’, 308. Burgoyne concludes that this is probably an Ayyubid construction composed mainly of Crusader spolia, Mamluk Jerusalem, 38.
222. Rosen-Ayalon, ‘Art and architecture’, 308–9. The twisted Crusader columns of this portal are locally known to this day as ‘the testicles of the unbelievers’ (baydat al-kuffar). Cf. 386 above, plate 6.6.
223. M. S. Briggs, Muhammadan Architecture in Egypt and Palestine, Oxford, 1924, 81.
224. I am very grateful to Dr Barry Flood for generously allowing me access to his ongoing research on this topic.
225. Quoted by Herzfeld, Damascus: Studies in architecture, 4–5; cf. Ibn al-‘Adim, Bughya, Zakkar, III, 340; D. Morray, An Ayyubid Notable and His World, Leiden, 1994, 42.
226. Damascus, 4.
227. Sura 24: 35.
228. Cf. E. Baer, Ayyubid Metalwork with Christian Images, Leiden, 1989, 4.
229. Ibid., 7.
230. Ibid., 19, and pls 73–4.
231. Ibid., 20.
232. Ibid., 32.
233. Ibid., 42.
234. Ibid.
235. Ibid., 44.
236. Ibid., 48.
237. Köhler, Allianzen.
238. Cf. P. M. Holt, ‘Al-Nasir Muhammad’s letter to a Spanish ruler in 699/1300’, Al-Masaq, 3 (1990), 23–9. There had been two earlier diplomatic missions to Aragon in 1290 and 1293 (al-Qalqashandi, Subh, XIV, 63–70). As Holt suggests, the letter of al-Nasir Muhammad b. Qalawun may well have been sent as an interim confirmation of privileges already granted to Aragonese merchants and pilgrims in Mamluk Egypt.
239. Ibn ‘Abd al-Zahir, Tashrif al-ayyam, ed. M. Kamil and M. A. al-Najjar, Cairo, 1961, 161, as cited by Holt, Early Mamluk Diplomacy, Leiden, 1995, 142.
240. Cf. P. M. Holt, ‘Baybars’ treaty with the Lady of Beirut in 667/1269’, in Crusade and Settlement, ed. P. W. Edbury, Cardiff, 1985, 244, quoting al-Qalqashandi, Subh, XIV, 40–2.
241. ‘Baybars’ treaty’, 242–4.
242. Cf. U. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au Moyen Age, Paris, 1885; E. Ashtor, A Social and Economic History of the Near East in the Middle Ages, London, 1976; D. Abulafia, ‘The role of trade in Muslim-Christian contact during the Middle Ages’, in The Arab Influence in Medieval Europe, ed. D. A. Agius and R. Hitchcock, Reading, 1994, 1–24; A. Udovitch, art.: Trade, Islamic in Dictionary of the Middle Ages, New York, 1989, XII, 105–8.
243. The scattered information found in the medieval Islamic sources on trade makes it difficult to construct a convincing set of general propositions about specifically Muslim, as distinct from Jewish and Jewish-Muslim, trade; there is no Muslim equivalent of the Cairo Geniza which allows such a detailed picture of the minutiae of the trading activities of Jewish merchants to be constructed. But the Islamic literary evidence can often corroborate interpretations of East-West trade which are based on the extensive medieval European sources.
244. Abulafia, ‘The role of trade’, 4.
245. Goitein, Mediterranean Society, I, 32.
246. C. Cahen, ‘L’histoire économique et sociale de l’Orient musulman mediéval’, Studia Islamica, 3 (1955), 58.
247. Goitein, Mediterranean Society; for an excellent summary of research on the Geniza, cf. R. S. Humphreys, Islamic History: A Framework for Inquiry, Princeton, 1991, 261–72.
248. Abulafia, ‘The role of trade’, 5.
249. Ashtor does not, however, provide evidence from the primary sources that such trading links were set up (A Social and Economic History, 226).
250. Cf. J. Riley-Smith, ‘Government in Latin Syria and the commercial privileges of foreign merchants’, in Relations between East and West in the Middle Ages, ed. D. Baker, Edinburgh, 1973, 109.
251. Ibn al-Qalanisi, Gibb, 109; Köhler, 107.
252. Ibn al-Qalanisi, Gibb, 108.
253. E.g. the delegation of 504/1110-11. Cf. Ibn al-Jawzi, IX, 163.
254. Arabic text, 141.
255. Ashtor, A Social and Economic History, 4; Heyd, Histoire, 373; Abulafia, ‘The role of trade’, 5.
256. Ashtor, A Social and Economic History, 5, 8, 246; Heyd, Histoire, 378; Abulafia, ‘The role of trade’, 5.
257. Abulafia, The role of trade’, 1; A. S. Atiyah, Crusade, Commerce and Culture, Bloomington and Oxford, 1962, 240–1.
258. Abulafia, ‘The role of trade’, 10; Ashtor, A Social and Economic History, 240.
259. Abulafia, ‘The role of trade’, 1.
260. Ibn al-Furat, Shayyal, 18.
261. Ibn Khallikan, de Slane, IV, 456.
262. M. Bates and D. M. Metcalf, ‘Crusader coinage with Arabic inscrip-tions’, in A History of the Crusades, ed. H. W. Hazard and N. P. Zacour, Madison, 1989, vol. VI, 439–40.
263. Quoted by S. D. Goitein, ‘Changes in the Middle East (950–1150) as illustrated by the documents of the Cairo Geniza’, in Islamic Civilisation 950–1150, ed. D. S. Richards, Oxford, 1973, 19.
264. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 300.
265. Cited in Lewis, The Muslim Discovery of Europe, 26.
266. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 301.
267. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 313.
268. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 301.
269. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 301.
270. Quoted by Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, 115.
271. Quoted by Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, 113.
272. Heyd, Histoire, 163.
273. Usama, Hitti, 25–6.
274. Ibn Shaddad, RHC, III, 98.
275. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, XI, 356.
276. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 318.
277. Qur’an 55: 24.
278. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 318.
279. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 317.
280. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 317–18.
281. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 31–2.
282. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 32.
283. Ibn Jubayr, Broadhurst, 61: he also mentions cinnamon.
284. See generally C. Cahen, ‘Notes sur l’histoire des croisades et de l’Orient latin. 3: Orient latin et commerce du Levant’, Bulletin de la Faculté des Lettres de l’Université de Strasbourg, 29 (1950–1), 328–416.
285. Thorau, The Lion, 120.
286. P. M. Holt, Early Mamluk Diplomacy, 25; cf. also Heyd, Histoire, I, 386–7.
287. Cf. Holt, Early Mamluk Diplomacy, 25.
288. S. J. Auld, ‘Kuficising inscriptions in the work of Gentile da Fabriano’, Oriental Art, 32
/3 (Autumn 1986), 246–65.
289. Ashtor, A Social and Economic History, 298.
290. Sura 3: 118.
291. For a recent discussion on this issue, cf. D. S. Richards, ‘Dhimmi problems in fifteenth century Cairo: reconsideration of a court document’, in Studies in Muslim-jewish Relations, ed. R. L. Nettler, Chur, 1993, vol. I, 128.
292. Al-Shirazi, Kitab al-tanbih, trans. G. H. Bousquet, Algiers, 1949, vol. IV. This book was still on the madrasa curriculum in Baghdad a century or so later and probably remained so for much longer.
293. Ibid., 46.
294. Ibid.
295. Ibid.
296. Ibid., 47.
297. Quoted in H. Lazarus Yaleh, Studies in al-Ghazzali, Jerusalem, 1975, 442.
298. W. C. Chittick, Faith and Practice in Islam, Albany, 1992, 142.
299. Al-Mutawakkil’s decree was promulgated in 235/850.
300. Al-Hakim’s aberrant conduct is chronicled in full by al-Maqrizi, no doubt exploiting his opportunity to linger on the unacceptable behaviour of ‘heretical’ Shi‘ites. Cf. al-Maqrizi, Khitat, II, 285–9, quoted by Lewis, Islam, I, 55–7*
301. Cf. Richards, ‘Dhimmi problems’.
302. Goitein, Mediterranean Society, I, 29.
303. Runciman, I, 287.
304. Cf. E. Ashtor, The social isolation of ahl adh-dhimma’, in Pal Hirschler Memorial Book, Budapest, 1949, 73–93.
305. Cahen argues that Oriental Christians were maltreated only on rare occasions, when action was taken by the Muslims in direct reprisal for specific Crusader attacks. Cf. C. Cahen, ‘L’Islam et la Croisade’, in Turcobyzantina et Oriens Christianus, London, 1974, 633–4.
306. A. S. Atiyah, The aftermath of the Crusades’, in A History of the Crusades, 3: The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, ed. H. W. Hazard, Madison, Wis., 1975, 662. This view is shared by Hitti. Cf. P. K. Hitti, The impact of the Crusades on eastern Christianity’, in Medieval and Middle Eastern Studies in Honor of Aziz Suryal Atiya, ed. S. A. Hanna, Leiden, 1972, 211–18.
307. Sivan, L’Islam, 180.
308. Ibn al-Qalanisi, Gibb, 69; Ibn Shaddad, Eddé, 270.
309. Ibn al-Qalanisi, Gibb, 155; cf. also other instances of Frankish-Armenian co-operation: 267, 274.
310. al-‘Azimi 373; Ibn al-Qalanisi, Gibb, 45.
311. Ibn Shaddad, Al-a‘laq al-khatira, quoted in Ibn al-’Adim, Zubda, Dahan, II, 214–15, n. 2.
312. Ibn al-’Adim, Zubda, Dahan, II, 214–15.
313. Cahen, ‘L’idée de Croisade’, 634.
314. Morray, An Ayyubid Notable, 72; Ibn al-’Adim, Bughya, Zakkar, 5/659.
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