Meanwhile the main Israeli procurement effort had already switched to France, where there existed a certain sympathy for Israel in connection with the unfolding Algerian war. Negotiations were conducted by Shimon Peres, the thirty-two-year-old director general of the ministry of defense who on this and subsequent occasions proved himself a master of secret diplomacy. They led to the conclusion of an agreement whereby the French agreed to supply another sixty AMX-13 tanks, 400 Sherman tanks, 500 bazooka (antitank) launchers with 10,000 rockets, as well as 1,000 SS-10 (also antitank) missiles;49 these arms, plus 200 6x6 lorries, were used to equip a total of fourteen ground combat brigades. The only element still needed by the IDF to launch its offensive campaign was new jet aircraft to counter the Egyptian MIG-15s. These came in the form of seventy-two French Mystère IV fighters, of which only 37 reached Israel prior to the outbreak of the campaign.50 Flown across the Mediterranean by way of Brindisi, the first batch found the prime minister and half the government waiting in typical Israeli fashion when it landed.51
The story of the negotiations that led Israel, France, and Britain to a tripartite agreement to take offensive action against Egypt is well known.52 Throughout the first half of 1956, tentative talks were held between intelligence officers on all sides, and a measure of cooperation was established. 53 Then, on July 26, 1956, Nasser provided the much-sought-after casus belli, proclaiming the nationalization of the Suez Canal before 100,000 people gathered to celebrate the revolution’s third anniversary. Visiting Paris in early August, the chief of the IDF General Staff Division, Brig. Gen. Meir Amit, was asked quite bluntly whether Israel would agree to cooperate in case they (i.e., the French) and the British launched military operations against Egypt. While Washington advised caution,54 Shimon Peres and Gibli’s successor as chief of intelligence, Brig. Gen. Yehoshaphat Harkavi, were put in charge of the preliminary negotiations.
With the plans taking shape, cooperation between the IDF and the French armed forces intensified. In return for the weapons they received, the Israelis provided their ally with aerial photographs of the Canal Zone as well as information on the IDF’s ability to support an operation against Egypt should France decide to launch it.55 It remained to bring in the British, who had been secretly planning an operation for months but, faced with domestic opposition to the adventure, were inclined to be more cautious. After some diplomatic maneuvering they finally joined the bandwagon at a top-secret conference at Sevres, near Paris, October 22-24. To solve the question of responsibility, French General Maurice Challes hatched a plan whereby the French and British would be called in after the beginning of the Israeli attack in order to safeguard the Suez Canal against both the IDF and the Egyptian armed forces.56 It was a highly unsavory plot that cast Israel in the role of the aggressor. In the end Ben Gurion, prodded by Dayan, accepted it only because the British refused to base their intervention on any other rationale—and without the British, the French would not move.
Militarily, too, the final form of “Operation Kadesh” (its Hebrew code name) was not exactly what the IDF had hoped for. Having no interest in the Sinai Peninsula per se, its objectives originally had been to occupy the Gaza Strip and the Straits of Tyran. The former was a wasp nest of fedayeen ; the latter had been closed to Israeli shipping since 1949 and to Israeli overflights since September 1955. However, the agreement with France and Britain dictated a different modus operandi. The original plan to cut off Egyptian communications with the Gaza Strip by means of a seaborne landing at Al Arish was canceled, as was another plan for a drive on Sharm al-Sheikh. Instead the IDF was obliged to conduct the campaign from west to east, dropping paratroopers in an undefended zone near the canal to provide London its much-needed pretext while also keeping open the option of withdrawing the force in case Israel’s allies failed to live up to their words. The plans now spoke of “collapsing” the Egyptian military organization in the Sinai rather than simply killing their troops or occupying territory.57 This in turn was based on Dayan’s notion that Arab troops, unlike Western troops, would not fight but turn tail when their lines of communications came under threat—something that in fact did not happen.
MAP 9.1 THE SINAI CAMPAIGN, 1956
To ensure that the operation proceeded in the desired sequence it was decided to unleash Israel’s armored forces no earlier than thirty-six hours after H-Hour (see Map 9.1). The IAF too was compelled to violate its own doctrine—based, with the usual lack of acknowledgment, on the Luftwaffe’s operations in 1939-1941—and cancel its plans for attacking the Egyptian airfields (most of which were located west of the canal).58 Instead its main mission was defensive—maintaining air superiority over Israel proper—and providing air cover to the paratroopers near the canal, dropping supplies, and mounting strikes against Egyptian forces on the ground.59 Ben Gurion did not yet feel fully confident in his pilots; he asked for and received the aid of four French squadrons (three fighter, one transport) as well as ten additional Dakota aircraft, which were simply put on loan.60
All these events took place against a background of continual clashes along the Israel-Jordan border. Not wishing to obstruct France’s delivery of arms, Israel refrained from its usual punitive actions for most of the summer. In September, however, the paratroopers were unleashed no fewer than three times, killing dozens of Jordanian soldiers but also losing fairly heavily themselves as they tried to repeat their by now well understood tactics. Hostilities, fueled by diplomatic contacts that seemed to foreshadow the entry of Iraqi troops into Jordan, culminated on the night of October 10-11, when the paratroopers stormed the Arab Legion’s strongholds at Kalkiliya on Israel’s narrow “waist.” A force that had been sent farther east to block eventual Jordanian reinforcements was itself ambushed and had to be extricated by means of heavy fighting.61 Eventually the paratroopers, having killed some 70 Arab Legionaries, were able to return home before it became necessary to escalate by activating the IAF. They carried with them seventeen of their dead, however, causing Dayan to ask himself how long this kind of thing—to all appearances, useless as well as costly—could be carried on.62
In any event the troubles with Jordan proved instrumental in helping the IDF disguise its true designs against Egypt. Preparations for mobilization, in the form of registration exercises and the like, had been ongoing throughout the summer, and when the signal was given on October 24 the men and the units were ready. The first stage of the call-up was conducted on an individual basis, employing messengers who went around to “addresses” and without using the public media. Two days later, the masquerade was dropped and a public call-up went out by way of radio (there was as yet no television) and newspapers. As they would in 1967, the Israeli people, frustrated by years of border hostilities and believing themselves in imminent danger, responded enthusiastically. More than 100,000 men streamed to the colors, and some units actually got more troops than were authorized in their tables of organization63 (the balance consisting of discharged personnel who nevertheless volunteered). As also in 1967, this overwhelming response—more than any particular strategic genius—was the secret to victory.
The Israeli mobilization caught the Egyptians at an inopportune moment, given that they had just withdrawn half of their forces from the Sinai in order to deal with the growing Anglo-French threat.64 Against the 45,000 men deployed by the Israelis they had only 30,000, about a third being decidedly second-rate. From north to south, 8th Palestinian Division with two Palestinian brigades (86th and 87th) and one Egyptian National Guard brigade (6th) was stationed in the Gaza Strip. Behind it was 3rd Infantry Division with one brigade (5th) at the key position of Rafah, another at the equally important one of Umm Katef-Abu Ageila, and a third (4th) at Al Arish, standing in reserve to support the others. Thus the two northernmost roads leading into the Sinai, one running along the coast and the other from Nitsana to Bir Gafgafa, were effectively blocked. Farther south, however, the third road—which led from Nitsana southwest to Mitla Pass—was defended by only one battali
on at Kusseima; even less well defended was the fourth road, in reality a desert track that ran from Elat to Mitla Pass. South of Elat, the terrain was so inhospitable that there were hardly any forces at all. Only Sharm al-Sheikh, forming the extreme southern tip of the peninsula, was occupied by two additional battalions.
The rationale behind the Egyptians’ deployment was probably their troops’ peculiar weakness in maneuver warfare. As one Israeli officer later wrote, fighting them was like playing chess against an opponent who could only make one move against each two of one’s own.65 Based on a thorough study of all avenues of approach, their defenses were designed to block the roads; the fortifications were probably as good as could be made. They were, however, located too close to the Israeli border—none more than fifteen miles or so away—and, particularly south of the main defensive perimeter at Umm Katef-Abu Ageila, incapable of receiving support either from each other or from the rear. In fact the main Egyptian reserves, two infantry divisions plus an armored brigade, were stationed west of the canal. At best it would take forward units two days to reach the battlefield.
In the event the initial Israeli offensive bypassed the main Egyptian fortifications completely—with the result, however, that it led them nowhere in particular. During late afternoon on October 29 sixteen Dakota transport aircraft took off. Escorted by IAF fighters, they carried a paratrooper battalion of 395 men commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Eytan. They dropped in an undefended area 120 miles inside Egyptian territory east of Mitla Pass. So remote was the area selected—upon hearing of it, Nasser exclaimed that the Israelis were “attacking sand”66—that the landing itself went unopposed and even unobserved by the Egyptians. However, later on the same day the paratroopers fired at three Egyptian vehicles, two of which got away and alerted superiors.
Reacting swiftly that evening, the Egyptian high command took countermeasures. Starting from Fayid, 1st Armored Brigade took the road by way of Giddi Pass toward Bir Gafgafa; once there it would have been able either to proceed toward the Israeli border or, turning south, take Eytan’s paratroopers opposite Mitla Pass in the flank. The 2nd Infantry Brigade was sent directly from Suez toward Mitla Pass. In spite of being slowed by Nasser’s insistence that commercial traffic through the canal not be halted,67 this brigade made good progress, and early next morning its leading forces, having driven all night, debouched from the eastern end of Mitla Pass. There they were met by wave after wave of strafing IAF fighters that together with the paratroopers halted the Egyptian counterattack.
The Israelis quickly brought up the remainder of the paratrooper brigade from its assembly area at En Chatseva on the Israel-Jordan border, a location deliberately selected in order to mislead the Arab intelligence services concerning the true direction of the attack. In the event its progress was governed more by the shortage of transport than by enemy resistance. The brigade did not have enough military trucks to carry all the troops; the rest had to be packed into civilian lorries unsuitable for driving over the atrocious roads. Having crossed into the Sinai during late afternoon on October 29, 202nd Brigade overran Kuntilla, far south of the main Egyptian positions, without undue difficulty (its garrison had run away). Then it was the turn of Thamed where two companies barred the way; once that position fell, however, the third Egyptian position, at Nakhl, was captured without loss. At 2200 hours on October 30, Eytan’s men could see the headlights of the approaching column; shortly afterwards Sharon and his men linked up with them. The paratroopers had not yet fought their fill, however, which would cost them dearly the next day.
These events had little impact on the Egyptian main defenses, which as noted were located in several different fortified perimeters not far from the Israeli border. Made wise by the War of Independence, Ben Gurion, fearing heavy casualties, had instructed Dayan that the IDF attack these perimeters only after England and France had issued their ultimatum, were refused, and started military operations against the Egyptians. Israel’s allies did not prove true to their words, however, and everything proceeded much more slowly than expected. In the end they opened their campaign during late afternoon on October 31, which meant that during the first two days Israel was on its own.
To the north of Sharon’s little expedition, breaking through the main Egyptian defensive positions (the Abu Ageila-Umm Katef-Kusseima complex), was the task of 38th Ugda (division-sized task force). It had under its command one armored brigade (in reality mechanized, since the unit in question, the 37th, had only one armored battalion) and two infantry brigades plus a reserve (7th Armored Brigade with its full complement of two armored battalions). Against this force (approximately 12,000 men) the combined Egyptian force mounted a single brigade (6th); the Israeli advantage in armor was much greater still since the Egyptians had no tanks, relying on artillery and antitank guns to stop opponents.68 Even so, the Israelis were prevented from concentrating all of their forces owing to the need to capture Kusseima, at the southern edge of the Egyptian perimeter, so as to open up another road to Mitla Pass in case Sharon and his paratroopers failed to link up with their comrades. In addition Dayan, heeding Ben Gurion’s instructions to delay, insisted on not using his armored brigades for the initial attack, thus depriving 38th Ugda from what might have constituted its main striking force.
One of the infantry brigades, the 4th, opened the attack against the southern edge of the Egyptian perimeter at Kusseima when it was suddenly joined by the tanks of 7th Armored Brigade. The latter had been thrown into the battle by the commander of the southern front, Brig. Gen. Asaf Simchoni, who, knowing nothing of political considerations at the top, acted against Dayan’s explicit instructions in sending out his armor on October 30. Kusseima fell to 4th Brigade even before the tanks arrived; still, Simchoni’s decision proved fortunate, because the main attack, launched simultaneously by 10th Brigade against the principal defenses farther northwest, had stalled. As had also happened, for example, to the Germans during their 1944 Ardennes offensive, when Gen. Hasso-Eccard von Manteuffel’s attack on the south suddenly found itself getting ahead of Dietrich’s 6th S.S. Panzer Army to its right, what had originally been planned as an auxiliary thrust was suddenly turned into the main thrust. The difference being that the Israelis proved sufficiently flexible to recognize what was happening and change their plans and also had another card up their sleeve.
The defenders of Abu Ageila and Umm Katef fought well enough, repulsing one assault after another. Even after 37th Armored Brigade had been brought up and joined the attack on October 31, they continued to resist, causing Dayan, who was thoroughly dissatisfied with the performance of his forces, to replace the commander of 10th Brigade midbattle. However, the fall of Kusseima changed the situation. Though 4th Brigade rested on its laurels, 7th Armored did not. Having successfully made their way through some difficult defiles, its tanks soon began to outflank the Egyptians from the south and threaten them from the rear. By the evening of October 31 the situation of the defenders was becoming quite difficult, but they still held out.
That morning the Egyptian reserve brigade, stationed at Al Arish, made an attempt to come to their aid; however, its leading battalion was attacked by Israeli fighter-bombers and was halted before it could get within effective range. That very evening the Egyptian high command—engaged in hostilities with the Anglo-French forces and fearful that its forces in the Sinai would become “isolated”—decided to withdraw to the canal.69 As the last potential reinforcements disappeared the garrison at Abu Ageila too had no choice but to evacuate, which it did most successfully during the night of November 1-2. Not noticing, the Israelis renewed the attack the next day and found the position empty.
The fall of Abu Ageila meant that the principal road leading west into the central Sinai was wide open to the Israelis. With 7th Armored and its energetic commander, Col. Uri Ben Ari, firmly in the lead the latter drove on to Bir Gafgafa. There, Ben Ari had been informed by the IAF to expect to meet 1st Egyptian Armored Brigade, which was coming up from Fayid;
however, by the time the encounter took place on the afternoon of November 2 the Egyptians had followed their orders and were already falling back on the canal. Only two companies, one consisting of T-34 tanks and the other of Su-100 tank destroyers, were caught and destroyed by the Israeli Shermans in the largest single armored battle of the war. Their defeat opened the road farther west, and by evening Ben Ari had reached his intended objective ten miles east of the canal.
The Israeli offensive proceeded from south to north—first the paratroopers, then Abu Ageila, then finally Rafah, which Dayan considered the most difficult objective as well as the decisive one.70 Against the Egyptian brigade at Rafah he had concentrated the IDF’s 77th Ugda, consisting of 1st Infantry Brigade and 27th Armored Brigade (the latter deploying only about half its tanks). The offensive started on the night of October 31-November 1 and at first made little progress since the air force and navy (the latter reinforced by a French six-inch gun cruiser71) were unable to pinpoint their targets in the dark; instead of hitting the Egyptian positions, they almost killed the ugda commander.72 After this fiasco—“a giant sprat,” to quote Dayan (who had attached himself to 27th Brigade)—heavy ground fighting started at 0300 hours. It proceeded hour after hour as Egyptians, well protected by mines and barbed wire, clung to their positions. Nevertheless by 0900 the town of Rafah, including the vital crossroads at which the road coming from Nitsana branched out to the right and left toward the towns of Gaza and Al Arish respectively, had fallen.
The Sword And The Olive Page 20
