Monsignor Clemente Rancuzzi of the Office of the Vatican Secretary of State sipped coffee from a tiny espresso cup. Only thirty-five, he was very young to be a monsignor, a papal prelate. Handpicked by the powerful Vatican Secretary of State himself for his diplomatic skill only one year before, what the raven-haired Rancuzzi lacked in age, he made up in knowledge and cunning.
One of the first lessons of Romanita imparted to him by the Secretary was that, to onlookers, silence translates into wisdom rather than ignorance. Rancuzzi learned the lesson well. But his noteworthy trait was that, unlike many other rising stars within the Vatican constellation, Rancuzzi was far more interested in the Church and its mission than in his own power and glory. It made him a powerful ally and a dangerous enemy. Benedetti had invited Rancuzzi to dinner because he knew that the young priest often served as a catalyst in discussions and also because his closeness to the Secretary of State - the number two official in the Vatican - by extension made him close to the Holy Father.
Much to the impatience of both Carlton and Bishop Jean-Chrétien Azimbe, who had recently arrived to plead the case of his impoverished, war-torn homeland of Zaire, now the Democratic Republic of the Congo, dinner conversation was politely limited to other topics. Substantive African matters were not broached until after-dinner liqueurs and cigars were offered in an adjoining salon.
It was Benedetti who opened the discussion. “I wonder if Africa’s cross will ever be lifted. And when.”
Azimbe jumped in. “It must be lifted soon, Your Eminence. The situation is intolerable. Much worse than the world knows. The news media reports only the most severe tragedies. The West is so accustomed to suffering in Africa it considers African suffering normal. Famine, disease, poverty, drought, corruption, political violence. We cannot allow these tragedies to continue. As our honored guest can attest, corruption and political violence are fought tooth and nail in America. But when they occur in Africa, they are considered normal, ignored. Look at what happened in Rwanda and Uganda. Not thousands, but millions of people slaughtered. Even by our fellow Catholics!” Tears welled up in the cleric’s sad ebony eyes.
“Or in South Africa,” Carlton interjected cautiously, attempting to move the discussion closer to the issue of diamonds and Waterboer. “The Afrikaaner Volksfront and apartheid return to the Orange Free State, with thousands murdered, and the headlines are about who won the Oscars in Hollywood.”
“Precisely! It is madness.” Azimbe took a deep breath. He liked this man Carlton. The man did not match the loud, brash, uncultured image he had formulated of Americans from popular African thinking. He calmed himself. Outbursts of emotion would get him nowhere in the Vatican, where caution, quiet planning, and patience ruled supreme.
“There are some who believe Africa should take care of its own problems,” Benedetti offered. “Every time aid is given, it is sent offshore by corrupt leaders. Every time troops are sent to quell an African civil war, the situation devolves back to civil war after they leave. Every time multinational banks finance development projects, either the antiglobalist ostriches prevent it or the leaders rape the resources and sell them for pennies on the dollar. Must not Africa first change from within?”
“Many Africans blame colonialism, but tribalism and territoriality existed long before,” replied the African bishop. “Tribalism is a cultural apology for disunity. And it is disunity that is the central problem.”
“The question is,” Rancuzzi finally said softly, “how do you achieve unity in such a violent tribal cultural tradition?”
Azimbe looked at him with a look of certainty. “As a bishop, I am biased, of course, but I believe only the Church can lift Africa’s cross.”
“A lovely proposal, my brother,” Benedetti said, “with which I am certain all of us present agree in spiritual terms. But Africa is a Babel of tribes and territorial disputes.”
“It is,” Azimbe agreed. “But unlike many other battles in the world, I think the one in Africa can be won through the Church. Or through its help, I should say. Most people, and I am sad that I must add to these many of our own brothers in the Church, do not realize that unlike the vast Asian populations, Africans already widely embrace Christianity, even if they sometimes mix in historic cultural beliefs. The problem is that Church teaching has not transcended tribalism to become part of daily life. People believe in Christ, but in Rwanda, for example, Catholics do not think twice about taking up a knife and butchering their brothers and sisters in Christ.” He winced.
Rancuzzi listened in silent agreement and wonderment at the outspoken African bishop so blessedly untainted by the Vatican bureaucracy and its ubiquitous power plays. “What you say has great merit, Your Excellence, but it remains theoretical. How would you propose to wage this campaign? Do you see this as an economic, social, or cultural war?”
“Nothing so complex, Monsignor,” responded Azimbe. “Although the African continent contains more than 40 states, only a half dozen of those states impact the general economic and political landscape. It is on those countries that we must focus. The rest will follow.”
Carlton clipped a Romeo y Julieta Habano and again pushed toward South Africa. He knew the guests had some tie to Waterboer or at least to diamonds, whether they knew it themselves or not. Monsignor Felici had said as much when he had invited Carlton to dinner. “South Africa, for example? Or is that another animal completely?”
“No, no,” Azimbe countered. “South Africa is an excellent example.”
The shrewd Rancuzzi took note of Carlton’s second focus on South Africa and prodded further. “Even if the Church concentrates on a few leading African states, what do you propose? Economic reform? Political reform? Social reform? How can the Church change those countries?”
“I believe the Church must impress upon the African people that the Church and its principles are not theoretical but practical. The Church must show that its teachings have a practical dimension to them. That if they follow the teachings, even though their human instincts tell them otherwise, they will be better off.”
Carlton continued to listen in silence, his mind searching for a way to link Waterboer to the discussion.
Azimbe leaned forward. “The Church cannot lead by preaching but by example. This is no longer the colonial period, where what the Church said was taken as the word of God. There are so many media today. Newspapers, television, radio, internet. And so many speakers using those media. No one listens anymore. So the Church can no longer accomplish its function as God’s Church merely by preaching. It can only lead by setting an example. Example is the only thing that people follow today. That is what the Church must offer to Africa.”
“A wonderful point, Your Excellence. But exactly what type of example?” Asked Rancuzzi. “The people taking up weapons against landowners and businesses preached by our misguided Marxist liberation theologians in the Order?”
“Absolutely not.”
Rancuzzi nodded and leaned back with obvious doctrinal relief.
“What I am saying is that day after day, Sunday after Sunday, I see pastors preach against sin, against evil. Do not steal. Do not kill. Do not lie. But then the flock returns to a world where the pressure to kill, to steal, and to lie is almost unbearable. So they kill and steal and lie. Don’t you see? It is not enough for the Church to preach good against evil. It must actually show the people that if they do good, they will better their lot in life.”
Carlton’s impatience continued unabated as he tried hard to formulate how to involve Waterboer in the discussion.
“How do you suggest the Church do this, my brother?” Asked Cardinal Benedetti.
Azimbe sighed and lowered his eyes. He whispered. “I am uncertain. That is why I came to Rome. I thought perhaps my politically sophisticated brothers inside these halls could find a solution.”
Carlton finally saw a link. “I agree with you, Your Excellence. One can only lead by example. If you will pardon a simple American layman’s ignorance in
such matters, why not start by focusing the leadership— the active, practical, real life leadership of the Church—on a particular conflict? The long road begins with a single, well-placed step.”
Rancuzzi smiled. A simple layman this American most definitely was not. “An interesting concept, Mr. Carlton. Do you have a particular conflict in mind?”
Carlton observed Rancuzzi carefully. “We mentioned the exploding civil war in South Africa earlier. An excellent example of whites versus blacks, blacks versus those referred to there as coloreds. Civil war, secessionism, and racism. What if the Church ended that conflict? Would that not accomplish the goal Bishop Azimbe proposes? Using the Church’s will and example in such an ugly conflict, in such a critically important African country?”
The American still focused on South Africa, Rancuzzi reflected.
“It would,” Azimbe replied. “But only partially. It is not enough for the Church merely to accomplish a favorable result. The Church already does this in Africa and around the world on a daily basis. Mother Teresa’s Carmelite nuns. Caritas and Catholic Relief Services and missionaries who distribute food, provide medical services, and build classrooms. These things are already being done. They are good things, of course. They do set an example. But people assume the Church will do these things. They take it for granted. It’s not news. And other than facing attacks from fundamentalist religious groups, the Church doesn’t risk anything by doing it, other than spending money.
“If the Church expects its flock to risk or forgo something tangible for the sake of good, then the Church must also risk something. Look at what the Holy Father accomplished with your President Reagan. The two worked together to dismantle Soviet Communism, first in Poland, then the rest of Eastern Europe followed. Why was this such a victory? Because people in those countries saw they were not risking their lives alone. The Church and the Holy Father himself risked enormous political capital along with the clergy itself, who risked their lives. Such as Father Popieluszko, who was martyred by the Polish secret police. Being together with the Church in risk and fear and suffering. That’s what motivated the people to action, that’s what gave them courage and hope, not speeches or charity.
“We used to place our lives on the line for Christ and His message. The bones of 25,000 martyrs fill Bernini’s columns in St. Peter’s Basilica. They could merely have preached to their own, in caves. Others closer in time have done the same. Our French brother St. Perboyre, tortured and crucified in China for refusing to renounce the faith just like the priests being tortured in China right now by an inhuman dictatorship that I am sorry to say your government cajoles, Mr. Carlton. Our Polish brother St. Kolbe, who offered his life at Auschwitz for a Jewish family. Our French brother monks tortured in Algeria by Islamic fundamentalists while helping Muslims, not even preaching but giving daily help. Those are examples. Those are witnesses. If the Church is to keep true to her mission, the Church must take real risks. Otherwise, no one will listen.”
“But what can the Church risk, Your Excellence?” asked Rancuzzi.
“If I may, Monsignor,” Carlton interjected, finally ready to make the crucial link. “I may have an answer to that very question. From my limited knowledge, in South Africa the white supremacist Afrikaaner Volksfront is making a claim for a separate homeland based on the excuse of a nineteenth-century British colonial promise. Because of the disorganized South African troops, they have already managed to secure the Orange Free State.” He looked to Benedetti. The cardinal nodded a fraction.
Carlton went for broke. “If the Volksfront invaded the Orange Free State, doesn’t it stand to reason they must be dealing with Waterboer?”
“Waterboer?” Azimbe pronounced the word with unmasked trepidation. “Why do you assume this?”
Rancuzzi nodded, finally understanding what Carlton was after.
Carlton wondered if he had overstepped his bounds. Benedetti’s minuscule squint of approval and Rancuzzi’s rapt attention told him otherwise.
“It has been my experience that nearly every political event that occurs in a region containing diamonds has Waterboer behind it. Whether as an active participant, a facilitator, or merely as a neutral observer seeking profit depends on the situation. Waterboer regularly encourages civil war with the goal of overthrowing regimes counter to Waterboer’s interests or keeps civil wars alive by purchasing both rebel-mined and government-mined diamonds.
“The pattern is sadly predictable: rebels take over diamond mines and sell some diamonds through Waterboer, but mostly to dealers and middlemen outside Waterboer’s control. Waterboer has so inflated the price of diamonds that both rebel forces and the government can sell the diamonds for a fortune instead of what they are really worth, which is next to nothing. That’s why they kill one another for the diamonds, because they are artificially high-priced by Waterboer. Would a small child risk her leg being blown off by a land mine to extract only a ten-cent piece of rock from malaria-infected swampland? Regardless, the rebels use the proceeds to buy weapons to protect the mines and to line their offshore coffers. Waterboer can’t allow a flood of diamonds to come onto the market, so it spends fortunes to buy both the rebel-mined and government-mined diamonds that Waterboer itself inflated in price.
“Recently, Waterboer’s coffers became so depleted by paying high prices for these diamonds that their marketing geniuses—and they are geniuses—decided to bypass the rebels completely. In my country and others, after reacting negatively to the UN ban on such diamonds, they supported a massive media and legislative campaign calling the diamonds ‘blood diamonds’ and ‘conflict diamonds’, showing how people were being murdered by these diamond-mining rebels. Once the story was well-disseminated and the sale of blood diamonds was condemned by political figures around the world, Waterboer turned on their ‘good neighbor’ light and announced that they would only sell diamonds that were certified as not being ‘blood diamonds.’ And who else could certify diamonds as being cruelty-free but Waterboer, as if even they could tell a peaceful diamond from a blood-stained diamond? Since no one wants to buy diamonds sold by little African kids being hacked to pieces, the diamond-mining rebels found themselves without a market for their diamonds. And Waterboer once again controls the supply of diamonds without fear of destabilization from civil war. And gets a pat on the back from the innocent yet fully duped consumer. Not to mention that the labeling laws effectively prevent dealers from selling pre-ban diamonds because they are not certified.
“In any event, blood diamonds or no blood diamonds, whether or not you agree with my analysis, it stands to reason that Waterboer would at least be involved in the South African Orange Free State conflict, doesn’t it?” Carlton continued. “The Orange Free State has the highest concentration of diamond mines in South Africa. Waterboer is far too powerful to allow the Volksfront to march in and take over the entire area without some agreement on their part. Waterboer can’t afford to lose control of its diamond production in the Orange Free State. On the other hand, President Boiko’s government has pushed for antitrust legislation that would nationalize certain mines and all but destroy Waterboer’s monopoly in South Africa at the very least.”
Rancuzzi sat perfectly still, eyes slightly squinted in concentration. “An entirely valid observation, dottore. Your conclusion?”
“Waterboer and the Volksfront are fighting the same war.”
Rancuzzi straightened himself, genuinely surprised. “Quite honestly, I never thought to make such a connection.”
“It’s just a calculated guess. I have no evidence to back it up other than logic. But if it’s true, the situation poses a fertile field for Bishop Azimbe’s proposal.”
“In what way?” Azimbe asked.
“South Africa, the Bishop’s former Zaire, now Congo, and Angola, Botswana, Ghana, Namibia, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, the Central African Republic. All of those countries produce diamonds. Whether educated or not, their populations are aware of the corruption and misery wrought upon
them for the past century not just by the warring factions, but in great part by Waterboer and its artificially high-priced diamonds. If the Church could deal a massive blow to Waterboer, loudly, publicly, and reduce the price of diamonds to where it should really be, that would remove the motivation to mine diamonds and the factions’ fight to control the mines. It could fulfill exactly what Bishop Azimbe proposes.”
Rancuzzi finally understood why Carlton was here. He waited patiently for him to finish. “An excellent opportunity, Mr. Carlton. But the pivotal question remains: how does the Church neutralize Waterboer? Decrease the price of diamonds? Your impressive Ministry of Justice has tried to bring Waterboer to justice for a century without success. Waterboer remains a powerful international force.” He slowly leaned back to place Carlton at ease, paused. “You are among friends, dottore. Illuminate us.”
Monsignor Rancuzzi made Carlton feel as though he were speaking with Forbes at CIA rather than with a priest. But the time for diplomacy, hiding the ball, and the art of Romanita was over. “I think it’s clear from my statements why I am in Rome and why this dinner was organized. My government cannot allow—will not allow—recent events involving Waterboer to continue.”
Each of the others understood the statement. The United States government wants to destroy Waterboer.
“To return to Monsignor Rancuzzi’s point, I myself had no idea how to go about neutralizing Waterboer.” He looked at each of the men around the table. “This afternoon, however, I believe I may have discovered a solution.
“Between the beginning and the end of the Angolan civil war—the original civil war, not the new one—Angola produced approximately sixty million carats of diamonds. Waterboer purchased fifty million of those carats. The remaining ten million carats were sold by both sides of the conflict, the MPLA and UNITA. But not to Waterboer. To whom, then?”
He relit his cigar slowly, adding more tension to the already edgy dinner guests. The thick cloud of smoke shrouded Benedetti’s head and concealed the extreme pallor of his face. He wiped his moist palms on his scarlet robe. “What does it matter who purchased the diamonds?” He asked irritably.
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