Nor can the millions awakening this morning prove that Negroes, in the rare instances in the past when they served us in politics and government, acted with less wisdom, courage, judiciousness than did their white brothers. Ebenezer Bassett was our Minister to Haiti. Jonathan Wright was associate justice of the South Carolina Supreme Court. Jefferson P. Long served in the United States House of Representatives. Blanche K. Bruce served in the United States Senate. In more recent times, Robert C. Weaver administered the United States Housing and Home Finance Agency. E. Frederic Morrow worked as administrative aide to President Eisenhower. Ralph J. Bunche served in the United Nations. Andrew Hatcher worked as associate press secretary to President Kennedy. Carl Rowan served as director of the United States Information Agency under President Lyndon Johnson. Douglass Dilman was President pro tempore of the United States Senate in T. C.’s administration.
Each and every one of these leaders was a Negro citizen of the United States. They had earned the right to guide us, help us, not because their colored forebears helped free us and defend us in the Revolutionary War, in the War of 1812, in the Union Army of Lincoln and Grant, in the First and Second World Wars, in Korea, but because they were part of our whole, part of each of us, with the same stakes and goals. Now one of them, really one of us under the laws devised by the Founding Fathers and since, has become our President. The paramount question is not if Douglass Dilman is equal to the burdensome responsibility, but if we are equal to our responsibility as Americans.
Today we start the first day of President Dilman’s term, his time of trial and our own, the one year and five months that stretch ahead, and we begin with trepidation induced by a survey of cold statistics. Out of 230 million American citizens, there are 23 million Negroes, and it is supposed that most will accept our new President. Based on recent voting figures, excluding Negroes and Southern whites, there are perhaps 40 million white citizens of liberal and progressive persuasions, and it is supposed that most of these will cooperate with the new President.
On the other hand, there are 47 million whites in the fourteen states of the Solid South, and it is feared that most of them will reject our new President. Again, based on recent voting figures, there are 30 million extreme rightists in the East, North, and West, and it is likely that most of them will refuse cooperation to our new President.
What is the guess? Sixty-three million of us may be behind Douglass Dilman, 77 million of us may be against him. How are we to account for the remaining 90 million of our citizenry, the follow-the-leaders when told whom to follow, the undecideds in countless polls, the great center mass with real faces and real feelings who can go this way or that? How will they respond to a Negro in the Presidency? Will they listen to racists or rightists, or will they consider the pleadings of moderates and true democrats? Or will they react according to feelings long hidden and repressed about Negroes? How have they felt about the racial ferment in this country these last twenty years? Has something of the aspirations of the new and militant Negro leadership sunk deep into their consciences? Has more, or less, of the propaganda of segregationists infused their minds?
For the middle majority of us all, knowledge of Negroes firsthand is probably limited—limited to the colored cleaning woman, who comes twice a week, limited to the colored baseball player who saves or loses a home game, limited to the garage mechanic, or dime-store clerk, or blues singer seen and heard on a Saturday night. To this white majority, the black man is as unknown as once was the heart of the Dark Continent of Africa. Personally unacquainted with their dark-skinned fellow citizens, knowing of their strife only through the printed page, long avoiding real commitment to this issue because they were busy concentrating on their jobs and raises, shopping and picking the youngsters up at school, these white citizens are suddenly confronted with the imperative demand to make a historic personal decision.
There they are, this strange morning, the vast uncounted, staring with curiosity or bewilderment, with the first throbbings of pride or resentment, at a middle-aged senator with kinky hair and dark skin and African face, who has supplanted a leader they chose, and who is now their voice and image in domestic and international affairs.
We wait now for their commitment. We pray they, in turn, will wait for their own judgments to stand the tests of self-exploration and sound intelligence. And when they come to that moment of decision very soon, whether to accept President Dilman as one of them, one of us, and cooperate with him for the common good, or whether to reject him as an inferior alien disguised as one of us, we pray they will, on the eve of their personal commitments, bear one final consideration in mind.
Judgment of a colored man in the White House cannot and should not be made on whether he will or will not be a wise President, better than Harding, worse than Kennedy or Lyndon Johnson or T. C., but whether or not his judges, all the products of independent America, have attained sufficient maturity, have grown high enough, have become citizens enough, to permit a fellow human being, experienced and expert in his calling, to reflect and serve them.
The immediate future is not in the hands of our first Negro President. It is in our hands, for better or for worse.
It seemed an eternity that Douglass Dilman sat at the dining-room table, holding the great metropolitan newspaper which had spelled out, frankly and sensibly, what conditions and judgment waited for him beyond the insular fort of his Negro dwelling and Negro neighborhood.
Presently he dropped the newspaper to the table beside the cold breakfast he had hardly touched. He knew that what he had read should have made him feel heartened, even hopeful. Yet the apprehension and fears of the morning shadowed any possible optimism. He thought: Yes, there are men of reason and good will out there; they exist. But then, he also knew, from years of traumatic observation, years of compromising and cowering to survive and get along, that men such as the one or ones who created that reasonable editorial were too few.
Dilman was not a highly imaginative man, not a soarer, a dreamer, a passionate mover or shaker; this he knew and had always known. He was an intelligent man. He was a formally educated man. He was an experienced man in his chosen field, politics, where knowledge of superficial catch phrases, some forensic talent, an ability to smile, a gift for concession, and a knowledge of facts were enough.
The hard factual core of his mind reframed the eloquent content of the editorial. If all men in America read it and were moved by it, he could enter the White House without fear. But what was this New York metropolitan newspaper anyway, in truth? It was a morning paper, the most appreciated by intellectuals in the land. Its total daily circulation was 800,000. How many of these 800,000 would even read the small type of the editorial page? And how many in the broad nation of 230 million would even know of its existence? It was a pebble trying to fell a Goliath of prejudice—a pebble, not a boulder.
The telephone to his left rang out, startling him from his brooding. Too quickly, out of guilt for the self-indulgence of self-concern, he shot his hand to the receiver, pulled it toward him, fumbling, almost dropping it into the eggs.
“Hello?”
It was a long-distance operator from Trafford, New York. He waited.
“Hello—hello—” He recognized the nervous, high-pitched voice at once as that belonging to Julian, his son. “Dad?”
“Yes, Julian. How are you?”
“Me? Forget about me. My God, Dad, they woke me up in the middle of the night with the news. I couldn’t believe it. I’d have called you right away, but I was afraid to wake you up. I tried all morning—”
“Yes, they told me.”
“I guess congratulations are in order. May I be one of the first to congratulate you?”
“You certainly may. Thank you, son.”
Julian went on excitedly. “Everyone’s thrilled about it, Dad. It’s the talk of the school. Kids are even cutting classes, whole groups roaming the quad, singing, celebrating.”
As he went on to describe the activiti
es at Trafford University, Dilman realized that this was the first time in a year that his son had spoken with enthusiasm of the school. Julian had not wanted to go to the Negro university. He had been forced to enroll by his father, and he had never ceased resisting it or complaining about his classmates. Now elation had replaced complaint.
“I don’t know that they have so much to feel festive about,” Dilman interrupted. “We lost a fine President.”
“Sure we did, Dad, but, my God, can’t you see? In one stroke we have more than we ever dreamed of. We’ve got you there. No more lousy uphill fighting. Now you can do it all with a twist of the wrist. They’ve got to give in to you. You’re the President!” He was almost shouting with manic glee. “The shortcut’s been made. We’ll get our rights without—”
“Julian,” he said sternly. He had to put a stop to this Julian in Wonderland. “Don’t go around quoting me, or repeating a word I say. This is strictly family, you understand.”
“Sure, sure—”
“Nothing has changed that much, at least not for the better. The road ahead is just as long and steep as a day ago.”
“Naw, never, Dad. For once, stop being so conservative. You’re too close to the picture. You can’t see how big it is. I tell you—”
“You’ve told me enough,” said Dilman curtly. “We’ll discuss this another time. I’ve got a lot to attend to today. And I’m sure you have, too.”
“Yes, but not today, Dad. My God, they’re treating me here like I was the President.”
Instantly the letter from Chancellor Chauncey McKaye, of Trafford University, came to Dilman’s mind.
“Has Chancellor McKaye come down to congratulate you?” Dilman asked with slight sarcasm.
“No, not yet, but—”
“I don’t think he will. I think he celebrates honor students. Look, son, we’d better have a talk—”
“I want to. When are you moving into the White House? I want to come down with the gang and see the inside and—”
“I don’t know yet. I’ll know more about everything in the next few days. I want you here as soon as it is feasible, but without your friends this first time. I have something to discuss with you.”
“Okay, sure.” Julian sounded deflated. “When can I come to Washington? I’m free next Tuesday.”
“Tuesday, then. You come to the West Wing of the White House. I’ll leave word to let you in. Now, behave yourself and attend your classes.”
“Stop worrying, Dad.” He hesitated, and then lowered his voice. “I was thinking about—I wonder how she feels this morning.”
“Never mind about that,” Dilman said sharply. “See you Tuesday, and thanks for your call. I appreciate it.”
After he hung up, Dilman thought about his son’s oblique reference to Mindy, the unmentionable by name, the untouchable, the expatriate from her family and race, and he wondered about her, too. Would he hear from his daughter now? He knew the barter involved. Would it be worth it to her to abdicate her whiteness for the throne of a Negro President’s daughter? He guessed the answer, even as he asked himself the question, and he was grateful when the telephone sounded loudly once more.
This time the caller was his Senate secretary, Diane Fuller, and because he could hardly hear her and because she was almost inarticulate, he knew that she was among whites. He accepted her congratulations and then learned that she was in Edna Foster’s office in the White House. Diane explained that T. C.’s personal secretary had summoned her to pick up Dilman’s heavy inflow of top-level cables and telegrams, and bring the most important to his apartment, in case he wanted to see the communications early.
As Diane began to recite the names affixed to the cables of felicitations and good wishes—one from the Premier of the U.S.S.R., one from His Holiness the Pope, one from the British Prime Minister, one from the President of France, one from the Secretary General of the United Nations, one from President Amboko of Baraza—Douglass Dilman interrupted her.
“Diane, you leave all that right on Miss Foster’s desk,” he said. “Tell her I’ll be in shortly. As for you, go back to my Senate office and take calls. I’ll be in touch with you later.”
When he had finished with the telephone, a troubling thought plucked at his sensitivity. The President’s personal secretary, the late President’s secretary, had telephoned the Senate Building to get Dilman’s own colored secretary to pick up the messages for him. Why this roundabout, time-wasting maneuver? Why had not Edna Foster simply telephoned him herself or brought the messages to him? That would have been the normal way, and the most efficient. Was it that she had never been to a Negro neighborhood before? Or was he overreacting? Was it simply that she had been T. C.’s secretary, and was not only grief-stricken but uncertain about her future role?
Resolving to stop these convolutions of sensitivity, he pushed himself to his feet. He would get his hat, and do what he knew he was avoiding most. He would allow himself to be deposited at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.
Before he could leave the dining room, the telephone’s ring caught him. He took up the receiver. This time it was a more distant long-distance operator. She announced a call from Fairview Farm, outside Sioux City, Iowa. She repeated the number she had been given to contact. Did she have the correct number? Dilman assured her that this was the correct number.
Suddenly he inquired, “Who is calling here?”
In a schoolteacherish tone, she spelled out the name of the caller. Dilman could not help smiling. It was The Judge himself, and Dilman was delighted. No one, of course, ever called The Judge by any other name than that, and Dilman, who had been a member of the House when The Judge was the outgoing President of the United States, had known him slightly, and had liked the crusty, outspoken, nearsighted old ex-President enormously. The Judge—he had been a minor municipal justice of the peace long before he had become a veteran of the Senate and an American President—had been given so little chance to become elected in his time that he had campaigned without vacillating on issues, with astonishing candor, without selling himself to any man or bloc (since there was no need to, because his candidacy was considered hopeless). When he had won the Presidency in a landslide, putting two polls and three magazines out of business, The Judge had come to the office as his own man. The mandate to speak as he pleased, as well as the fact that he had reached an age when he did not give a damn about ambition and had no hopes for a second term, had made him one of the most individual, independent, and refreshing Chief Executives in modern times. When he liked a man, he liked him if he was black or white, a member of the Party or the opposition, a brain or a heel, and he said so in short expletives, and his enemies fulminated, and the nation adored him. In the three meetings that The Judge had had with Dilman, once while The Judge was President, twice later at Party conferences, he had made it clear that he liked Dilman as a person. No patronizing Rastus-boy attitude. He liked Dilman and he said so, and Dilman liked anyone who liked him and was flattered.
“Put him on—put him on—” he found himself telling the Iowa operator.
The receiver emitted a sound like that of cylinders misfiring, and suddenly The Judge’s nasal voice could be heard. “Mr. President Dilman, are you there?”
“Yes, Judge, how are—?”
“From one old bastard who’s hung in the public stocks to another about to be pilloried in the same place, I want to wish you well. Doug, I want you to go in there, keep your left up high, chin tucked in, and belt them straight from the shoulders. No matter what you hear, no matter what you see, just remember you’re the boss, you’re not Uncle Tom. You think what you think, speak out what you believe, and when you have to, you give them hell. Remember that, young man. Except for those Confederates who still think old Jeff Davis is President, you got your Party right behind you from this day on. And those that aren’t behind you, you tell me and I’ll whomp them into line. Just calling for me and the Missus to wish you the best on the first day, because you and I and the Missus
know you need it.”
He began to cough, and Dilman waited, beaming like an idiot, and when the coughing ceased, Dilman spoke. “Judge, I appreciate this, I do, deeply. I don’t know how to thank you.”
“I’ve not done anything for you yet, young man, so don’t thank me till I do. But I’ll tell you what. Me and the Missus are living out here in the middle of nowhere, like Thoreau at the Pond, and all we got is cows and fresh air and time, and time is what we got the most of. So you listen, young fellow, and you remember, if you ever need me at all, not money but advice or a helping hand—both untaxable and both which we got plenty of out here—you come around to me and we’ll have a farm breakfast and talk, and set you straight, or if you want and I can move my bones, I’ll come up there to you. Remember that. Promise?”
“I won’t forget it, Judge.”
“Just one more thing, Douglass, and it’s a favor.” He paused, and then he said testily, “I don’t give a damn if you turn that White House upside down and inside out, but one thing I don’t want you to do—don’t you dare move my portrait out of the Green Room! Good luck, Mr. President, and God bless you!”
Returning the receiver to its cradle, Dilman chuckled. There were more than decent editorial writers out on the land. There were men like The Judge. The morning appeared brighter.
Again the telephone was ringing. Dilman glanced at his wristwatch. It was a quarter to ten. He picked up the receiver impatiently.
“Yes?”
“Good morning, Mr. President. This is Wayne Talley. I’m in the White House with Secretary of State Eaton. We have some urgent matters—routine, but they have to be settled—to discuss. Are you intending to come over here this morning, or would you prefer that we visit you?”
“I’m on my way to the White House right now,” said Douglass Dilman.
He hung up, and it occurred to him that this might be the last telephone call he would receive on his private unlisted number. He was going to another home with many telephones, connections to every state and to all countries, and his telephone number would be known to everyone in the world.
(1964) The Man Page 9
