7 Trudel, HNF 3, 2: 92.
8 “Gannata” and “kanata” in Bruyas and Cuoq’s Mohawk dictionaries, respectively; “ganataa” in an anonymous seventeenth-century Onondaga dictionary. Bruyas, Radical words, 68; Cuoq, Lexique de la langue iroquoise, 10, 101; Shea, ed., French-Onondaga Dictionary, 102. For the Wendats, Sagard gives “onihay, carhata, andata,” while Potier gives only “andata.” Sagard, Grand Voyage, 433; Potier, “Huron Manuscripts,” 448.
9 Heidenreich, Huronia, 107–218; Beaulieu, Béreau, and Tanguay, Wendats, 29–31; Abler, “Longhouse and Palisade”; Steckley, “Ethnolinguistic Look at the Huron Longhouse”; Englebrecht, Iroquoia, 68–110. The generalizations presented in these pages are arrived at from a reading of the primary sources, in conjunction with ethnohistorical studies. For the early seventeenth century, the social and cultural patterns for the Hurons are much better known than those of the Iroquois to the south, owing to the writing of French missionaries. Scholars are dependent on the ethnography of Huronia for early Iroquoia, the assumption being that the Iroquois and the Wendats were generally similar. Conversely, many of the major patterns so well understood for the nineteenth-century Iroquois are generally assumed to have been present among all the northern Iroquoians, including the Wendats.
10 Englebrecht, Iroquoia, 90–2, 96–9; Keener, “Ethnohistorical Analysis,” 781–6.
11 JRAD 27: 64; 29: 246; Fenton, “Northern Iroquoian Culture Patterns,” 297–302; Englebreght, Iroquoia, 9–33; Heidenreich, Huronia, 158–218; Beaulieu, Béreau, and Tanguay, Wendats, 33–52; Mann, Iroquoian Women, 186–238; Brown, “Economic Organization,” 157–64.
12 Ibid; JRAD 16: 248; 19: 124; 54: 116–18
13 JRAD 54: 118 (my emphasis).
14 Lafitau, Customs, 1: 69.
15 Mann, Iroquoian Women; Englebrecht, Iroquoia; Steckley, Eighteenth-Century Wyandot, 171–201.
16 Tooker, “Northern Iroquoian Sociopolitical Organization”; Steckley, Eighteenth-Century Wyandot, 135–69; Fox, “Events,” 65.
17 JRAD 16: 226.
18 Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 30, 54–9, 156–63, 730–4, 789; Heidenreich, Huronia, 75–90, 264–77, 300–2; Steckley, Words, 23–46.
19 JRAD 16: 226; 18: 232; Heidenreich, Huronia, 20–2; Garrad, Petun to Wyandot, 25–9.
20 Fenton, Great Law, 17–239; Engelbrecht, Iroquoia, 129–44.
21 Fenton, “Locality,” 35–54, and “North Iroquoian Culture Patterns,” 306–9; Heidenreich, Huronia, 80–1.
22 On Iroquois mobility, see in particular Parmenter, Edge of Woods; Jordan, “Incorporation and Colonization”; Lafitau, Customs, 2: 70. For linguistic evidence, see Bruyas, Radical words, 44; Cuoq, Lexique de la langue iroquoise, 101; Steckley “An Ethnolinguistic Look,” 21.
23 Englebrecht, Iroquoia, 101–7; Heidenreich, Huronia, 213–15.
24 Ibid; Champlain, Works, 4: 304–5.
25 JRAD 36: 184–6
26 Mann, Iroquoian Women, 32–3; Lafitau, Customs, 1: 86.
27 A handful of scholars have pointed to these cross-cultural patterns, such as Savard, Algonquin Tessouat, 90–1, 100–1; Cook, “Vivre comme frères,” 144–8.
28 The interpretation of warfare presented in these pages is arrived at from a reading of the primary sources, in conjunction with ethnohistorical studies focused on the specificities of war in the Northeastern Woodlands, and with the eclectic anthropological literature on warfare in small-scale societies. For an overview of warfare in the Northeastern Woodlands, see Havard, Empire et métissage, 145–66. For warfare among the northern Iroquoians, see Richter’s seminal article, “War and Culture,” and Ordeal, chap., 3. See also Viau, Enfants du néant; and Brandão, Your Fyre Shall Burn No More, chaps., 3–4; Keener, “Ethnohistoric Perspective,” chaps., 3–8. For warfare in the Abenaki – and by extension the northeastern Algonquians – context, see Morrison, “Dawnland Dog-Feast”; Nash, “Abiding Frontier,” 97–147, 264–306. For warfare in small-scale societies more generally, see Haas, Anthropology of War; Clastres, Archeology of Violence, and “Malheur du guerrier sauvage”; Ember and Ember, “Resource Unpredictability”; Ferguson, Yanomami Warfare; Rosaldo, “Grief and a Headhunter’s Rage”; Désveaux, “Des Iroquois aux Tupinambas.”
29 See Richter, “War and Culture,” 528–59, and Ordeal, chap., 3; Viau, Enfants du néant; Brandão, Your Fyre Shall Burn No More, chaps., 3–4; Keener, “Ethnohistoric Perspective,” chaps., 3-8. On captivity in particular, see also Starna and Watkins, “Northern Iroquoian Slavery.”
30 Ferguson, “Explaining War,” 36–8.
31 On the role of Iroquoian women, besides the sources listed above, see Magee, “‘Life of the Nation.’”
32 Axtell and Sturtevant, “Unkindest Cut”; Viau, Enfants du néant, 110–18; Friederici, Skalpieren.
33 Lafitau, Customs, 2:152.
34 Morrison, “Dawnland Dog-Feast”; Nash, “Abiding Frontier,” 264–306
35 Richter, “War and Culture,” and Ordeal, chap., 3; Viau, Enfants du néant; Starna and Watkins, “Northern Iroquoian Slavery.”
36 Richter, “War and Culture.”
37 On Iroquoian cannibalism, see Richter, “War and Culture”; Viau, Enfants du néant, 179–83; Sanday, Divine Hunger, 125–50; Traphagan, “Embodiment”; Pilette, “S’allier en combattant”; Simonis, “Cannibalisme,” 107–22. For the metaphorical language, see JRAD 27: 229; 40: 169; 41: 53; Bruyas, Radical words, 45; Schoolcraft, Notes on the Iroquois, 29.
38 JRAD 21: 20.
39 For the most detailed account of the offensive against Huronia, see Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 725–88. See also Parmenter, Edge of Woods, 41–83; Bradley, Evolution of the Onondaga Iroquois, 182–4.
40 JRAD 33: 70–184; Dollier de Casson, Histoire du Montreal, 112–13; Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 725–88.
41 On the Huron Confederacy and the respective importance of its constituent nations, see Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 30, 54–9, 156–63, 730–44, 789; Heidenreich, Huronia, 75–90, 264–77, 300–2; Steckley, Words, 23–46. On Jean-Bapiste Atironta and his successors, and their identification as members of the Deer Clan based on eighteenth-century sources, see Steckley, Eighteenth-Century Wyandot, 31–3, 41–2, 232–3.
42 Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 742–56.
43 JRAD 30: 222; 33: 68, 256; 34: 102, 226; Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 739.
44 See for example JRAD 34: 24–34, 140–2.
45 On Huron clans, see Steckley, Words, 47–67, and “Clans and Phratries,” 29–34; Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 102. On Iroquoian clans more broadly, see Tooker, “Northern Iroquoian Sociopolitical Organization,” 92–4, and “Clans and Moieties.”
46 Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 323.
47 JRAD 35: 193; 41: 47.
48 The village established among the Senecas, known to the French as Saint Michel, named after the former mission to the Tahontaenrat, was almost certainly that of Gandougarae. JRAD 36: 143, 179; 44: 21; 45: 243; 57: 193. See also Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 789–92; Jordan, “Incorporation and Colonization,” 34–5.
49 JRAD 34: 222; 35: 192; Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 776–9, 783, 789–97; Labelle, Dispersed But Not Destroyed, 49–98.
50 JRAD 17: 24–30; 35: 206–8.
51 Sullivan et al., eds., Papers of Sir William Johnson, 13: 624–5; Melsheimer, Journal, 167; Dooyentate, Origin and Traditional History, 1–7, 128. Cf. Radisson, Collected Writings, 169–73. On the linkages between the Wendats and Saint Lawrence Iroquoians, see Tremblay, ed., Saint Lawrence Iroquoians; Pendergast, “Ottawa River Algonquin Bands”; Steckley, Gabriel Sagard’s Dictionary, and “Trade Goods and Nations.” A speech, published in L’Abeille, the newspaper of the Petit Séminaire de Québec, in 1850, purportedly by the Wendats to Governor d’Ailleboust at Quebec upon their arrival and seemingly supporting the Wendat claims of territorial precedence, is in fact betrayed by its style as an apocryphal nineteenth-century composition. Anon., “Quelques débris de la nation huronne.”
52 See, for example, JRAD 30: 164, 172; 32: 160–2; 34: 62; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 284–7; Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 797; Beaulieu, Béreau, and Tanguay, Wendats, 27–8, 32–3, 59–62.
53 JRAD 12: 78–80. The claim, made over a century later by Étienne Girault de Villeneuve, that “a considerable number of Hurons […] had been settled at Sillery” since the mission’s beginning is unsubstantiated in period records. See ibid., 70: 207.
54 Ibid., 30: 220. See also Champlain, Works, 3: 171–2.
55 JRAD 34: 222; 35: 39, 202; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 390.
56 JRAD 35: 182–94. Regarding the Huron refuge to Gahoendoe, see ibid., 34: 202–24; 35: 85–7. For Ragueneau’s estimate of the population see ibid., 35: 86. See also Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 770–88; Labelle, Dispersed But Not Destroyed, 49–67.
57 JRAD 35: 192–4.
58 Ibid., 35: 182–98, 208–14; 36: 58.
59 Ibid., 35: 208–14.
60 Ibid., 35: 39, 208–14; 36: 44, 54, 58; BANQ-Q, P1000, S3, file 814, Léonard Garreau, Response to Sieur de Beaulieu and Éléonore de Grandmaison, 1652; Jamet, ed., Annales de l’Hôtel-Dieu, 73–4. The latter chronicle appears to confuse the Hurons who wintered there in 1649–50 and those who arrived in the spring of 1650.
61 JRAD 40: 208; 37: 148; Beaulieu, Béreau, and Tanguay, Wendats, 63–5.
62 JRAD 35: 210; 36: 54–60.
63 Ibid., 36: 208–14. On Wendat girls among the Ursulines, see ibid., 35: 209; Deslandres, Croire et faire croire, 364–6; Labelle, Dispersed But Not Destroyed, 165–8.
64 JRAD 36: 214–16. On Louis Taiaeronk (Taieron, or Atharatou), see ibid., 41: 166–74; MNF 8: 996. On this particular speech, see also Poirier, Religion, Gender, and Kinship, 166–9.
65 JRAD 36: 214–20. On the fire, see also ibid., 35: 61.
66 Lafitau, Customs, I: 69; Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 34–59; Labelle, Dispersed But Not Destroyed, 159–75; Steckley, Eighteenth-Century Wyandot, 171–201; Bonvillain, “Iroquoian Women,” 47–58; Parmenter, Edge of Woods, xxvii, xxxvii–xlii.
67 Atironta can tentatively be deduced from later sources to have been a member of the Deer Clan, for example, but the evidence is not strong enough as to be able to make an argument about this particular clan’s representation. See Steckley, Eighteenth-Century Wyandot, 31–3, 41–2, 232–3.
68 On the Hurons’ settlement on the Island of Orleans, see JRAD 36: 116, 142, 186–90; 70: 207; BANQ-Q, P1000, S3, file 814, Garreau, Response to Sieur de Beaulieu … , 1652; ASQ, Fonds Verreau 13, #13, Paul Ragueneau, “Raisons qui nous ont meu a faire eschange de nostre maison de l’Isle d’Orléans avec la concessions de M. de la Cytiere sise à la Pointe de Levy”; Chaumonot, Missionnaire, 109–10; Perrot, Moeurs, 330; Trudel, Terrier du Saint-Laurent en 1663, map 11 and 80–2; Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 782–8; Boily, “Terres amérindiennes,” 69–74; Beaulieu, Béreau, and Tanguay, Wendats, 102–5; Labelle, Dispersed But Not Destroyed, 106–7, 109. The stream appears on Villeneuve’s maps, which shows the former site of the Huron fort. BNF, Département Cartes et plans, GE SH 18 PF 127 DIV 7 P 4, “Carte des Environs de Quebec,” 1685–1686; BNF, Département Cartes et plans, GE SH 18 PF 127 DIV 7 P 5 D, “Carte des Environs de Québec,” 1688.
69 JRAD 36: 116; BANQ-Q, P1000, S3, file 814, Garreau, Response to Sieur de Beaulieu …, 1652; Jean-Jacques Lefebve, “Éléonore de Grandmaison,” DCB I: 344–5; La Chevrotière, Chavigny, 13–29; Anon., “ Le premier fort des Hurons à l’ile d’Orléans.”
70 JRAD 36: 116; 70: 207; BANQ-Q, P1000, S3, file 814, Garreau, Response to Sieur de Beaulieu …, 1652. For use of the word “colony,” see JRAD 35: 214; 36: 202.
71 JRAD 37: 180 (“un réduit ou une espèce de fort”); Trudel, HNF 3-1: 202; Trudel, Terrier du Saint-Laurent en 1663, 80–2.
72 JRAD 36: 116 ; 37: 168–70, 180; Chaumonot, Missionnaire, 109–10 ; BANQ-Q, P1000, S3, file 814, Garreau, Response to Sieur de Beaulieu …, 1652. Regarding the famine that preceded the dispersal, see JRAD 35: 82–6.
73 Journaux de la Chambre, 33: 89–91, 236, 269, 282, 330. Tsawenhohi’s dating of this agreement to the mid-seventeenth century must be taken with a grain of salt, however, given that his statement reflected a blending together in the collective memory of several subsequent agreements. On the Hurons’ insertion within the hunting territories of others, see Beaulieu, Béreau, and Tanguay, Wendats, 112–15.
74 Radisson, Collected Writings, 175; JRAD 35: 38; 36: 202; 41: 138. See also ibid., 36: 146; 37: 168; 44: 188; Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 804.
75 For evidence of additional arrivals, see, for example, JRAD 36: 144, 178; Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 791. For the estimate of the Huron population, see JRAD 41: 138. The claim that there were more refugees at the Island of Orleans – over seven hundred – is based on a misreading of the evidence. Compare Labelle, Dispersed But Not Destroyed, 109, and BANQ-Q, P1000, S3, file 814, Garreau, Response to Sieur de Beaulieu …, 1652. The estimate of fifteen hundred for the French population at this time is that of Marcel Trudel. See Trudel, HNF 3, 2: 92.
76 On the clans of the predispersal Wendats, see Tooker, “Northern Iroquoian Sociopolitical Organization,” 93; Heidenreich, Huronia, 78; Trigger, Childen of Aataentsic, 54. John Steckley instead makes a case for distinguishing the Large Turtle, Striped Turtle, and Prairie Turtle Clans, and for adding the Loon/Sturgeon and Fox Clans. Steckley, “Clans and Phratries,” and Eighteenth-Century Wyandot, 40–50. For evidence of clans’ persistence in the Saint Lawrence valley, see Franquet, Voyages, 107; Toupin, ed., Écrits de Pierre Potier, 279; Steckley, Words, 122–5, and “Tsa8enhohi.” Regarding clans at Wendake in more recent times, and stressing their discontinuity through marriage with French women, see Gérin, “Huron de Lorette [2],” 43–7; Sioui, Les Wendats, 230; Delâge, “Hurons-Wendat de Lorette ou de Wendake”; Paul, “Organisation clanique”.
77 See note 51 in this chapter. Dooyentate, Origin and Traditional History, 4–7.
78 On Atironta, see Steckley, Eighteenth-Century Wyandot, 31–2; on Atsena (Atchenha), ibid., Words, 30–2.
79 Relations inédites 1: 171–2.
CHAPTER FOUR
1 Thwaites, ed., JRAD 36: 116, 210, 214–16; Chaumonot, Missionnaire, 116.
2 For references to the “Island of Saint-Mary,” see JRAD 36: 202; Chaumonot, Missionnaire, 109–10; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 465–6. The wording of the first of these sources seems to indicate that the name of “the Island of Saint Mary” was an Indigenous innovation, rather than a missionary one. Lawendawinen Tiatontarehi, which first appears as Laooendaoena Tiatoutarchi on Nicolas Vincent’s map of 1829, and its variants (Laouendaeona Tiatoutarchi, La8endaona Tiatoutarchi), have mistakenly been taken to mean “the hidden island” or “the island of escape.” Roy Wright, personal communication to Jean-François Lozier, 9 August 2015; Wright, “Le Plan Vincent,” 221; Poirier, ed., La toponymie des Hurons-Wendats, 17, 29.
3 JRAD 41: 138, 146–74; Chaumonot, Missionnaire, 118–22; Clair, Du décor rêvé, 229–39, and “Une chapelle,” 6–9.
4 JRAD 36: 216.
5 “8endake ehen” in Potier, “Huron Manuscripts,” 30; Heidenreich, Huronia, 21; Steckley, personal communication to Jean-François Lozier, 5 July 2017.
6 Quote in JRAD 43: 200.
7 Ibid., 43: 186–8; 45: 60.
8 Some scholars have thus explained the Mohawk-Onondaga tensions during the 1650s merely as a competition for primacy in diplomatic relations and trade with New France. Campeau, Gannentaha, 19–25; Jennings, Ambiguous Iroquois Empire, 104–9; Gohier, Onontio, 94–111. Others have acknowledged the Huron stake without examining it closely. Richter, Ordeal, 108–9; Dennis, Cultivating a Landscape, 233. In emphasizing it, Parmenter represents an exception, Edge of Woods, 82–114.
9 See for example JRAD 35: 58; 36: 118–22, 132–4, 148, 188–90; 37: 94–6, 100, 104–10, 114–16; 38: 48, 52, 168–70, 176–8; Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 805–6; Brandão, Your Fyre Shall Burn N
o More, appendix D.
10 For Huron victims, see JRAD 35: 58; 36: 132–4, 148; 37: 94–6, 100, 104, 110, 114–16; 38: 48, 52, 168–70, 176–8; Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 805–6. For the activity of Huron warriors, see, for example, JRAD 38: 52; 40: 96.
11 JRAD 36: 142, 188; 38: 550; 40: 120; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 621. For an earlier example, see JRAD 33: 118; 34: 24–34.
12 JRAD 38: 172–4, 178–80; 40: 88–92, 112–16, 164–90. See also Bruce G. Trigger, “Tekharihoken,” DCB 2: 624–5.
13 Ibid., 38: 194; 40: 164–8.
14 Ibid., 38: 194; 40: 182–90.
15 Ibid., 40: 164–8.
16 Ibid., 41: 86–8; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 550–1; Parmenter, Edge of Woods, 84–96.
17 JRAD 38: 196–8; 40: 190–2; 41: 44–8. On Teharihogen (Thearihogen, Tekarihoken), see Bruce Trigger, “Tekarihoken,” DCB 2: 624–5.
18 JRAD 41: 18, 44–8. The captains are not named, but they may have included the aforementioned Louis Taiaeronk and Jacques Oachonk.
19 Ibid., 41: 18, 44–8; Van Laer, Minutes of Court of Fort Orange, 1: 90–2.
20 JRAD 41: 18–20.
21 Ibid., 41: 58.
22 Ibid., 41: 18–22, 50–64.
23 Ibid., 41: 60.
24 Ibid., 41: 60–2.
25 Ibid., 43: 78.
26 Ibid., 41: 18; 43: 40.
27 Ibid., 41: 64.
28 Ibid., 70: 205–7.
29 Ibid., 40: 234; 41: 164–70; Clair, “Du décor rêvé,” 229–37, and “Notre-Dame de Foy,” 168–75.
30 JRAD 42: 48–58.
31 The Thwaites edition is inaccurate in its translation that the governor “now extended to the Iroquois also a father’s care.” JRAD 42: 52–6 (my emphasis).
32 On the metaphors of kinship within the Franco-Indigenous alliance and their shift over time, see Cook, “Vivre comme frères,” 488–90, and “Onontio Gives Birth.” In the fall of 1656, Father Le Moyne referred to the Wendats as the children of Onontio. And the following year, Mohawk delegates who sought the governor’s sanction to carry away the Wendats adopted the same metaphor: “Onontio, ouvre tes bras & laisse aller tes enfans de ton sein.”JRAD 43: 46, 188–90, 202–4, 212.
Flesh Reborn Page 42
