60 Ibid. See also Grabowski, “Common Ground,” 170–3. On Turcot’s subsequent life in the interior, see Margry, Découvertes et établissements, 2: 104.
61 BANQ-M, Fonds Bailliage de Montréal, TL2, 1971-00-000/11595, Verdict of Migeon de Branssat, 12 September 1669; JRAD, 54: 112–14; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 863–5.
62 JRAD 63: 167–9.
63 Ibid., 63: 158.
64 Ibid., 55: 34; 63: 158 (Chauchetière situates this detail in 1670, but refers to the Relation for 1670–71).
65 Ibid., 63: 162.
66 “De la residence de S. Xavier des Praiz,” in ibid., 55: 32. For the “bourg de St-François-Xavier” in Oneida, see ibid., 52: 20.
67 There is some confusion with regards to Tonsahoten’s baptismal name. The Relation for 1667–68 speaks of a Wendat who “had formerly been baptized by our Fathers in his own country,” and Chauchetière’s Narration annuelle notes that “he was a Christian, and was named Pierre.” Yet in the same chronicle, Chauchetière goes on to mention the baptism of the summer 1668 and remark that he “was called François Xavier.” He is not named Pierre elsewhere. In his account of the life of Catherine Tekakwitha, Chauchetière again names him François or François-Xavier. JRAD 52: 23; 63: 151, 155; Chauchetière, Vie, 81, 88, 100.
68 JRAD 63: 163.
69 Ibid., 61: 206.
70 Ibid., 63: 153.
71 Ibid., 58: 74.
72 Ibid., 63: 167.
73 Ibid., 58: 74; Isaiah 11: 6. See also ibid., 63:148.
74 Relations inédites, 1: 160. Marie Tsaouenté is described as an “Iroquois” in JRAD 61: 37. For another example, see ibid., 60: 49.
75 See chapter 3.
76 JRAD 52: 36, 228, 236; 53: 130; 54: 286–8; 70: 206; Chaumonot, Missionnaire, 174–5; Clair, “Notre-Dame de Foy,” 175–89. See also Boily, “Terres amérindiennes,” 74–6; Beaulieu, Béreau, and Tanguay, Wendats, 71, 77, 105, 137.
77 JRAD 54: 288–9; Clair, “Une chapelle,” 11–15; Boudon, Dieu seul; Longpré, “Influence spirituelle”; Relations inédites, 1: 187–8; JRAD 63: 154, 164, 186–8; Greer, Mohawk Saint, 113–16.
78 JRAD 54: 282–4.
79 Ibid., 51: 187; 57: chap. 2. Gandaouagué appears as a new village name in 1659 (as “Kaghnuwage,” and later in various forms: Gandawaga, Gandaouge, Gandaouaguen, Caghnawaga, Caughnawaga, Cahaniaga, Kaknnaogue, Andaraque. It corresponds to the relocated community known as Ossernenon in the 1640s. Snow, Mohawk Valley Archaeology, 365–75, 415–19. On the social tensions between Christians and traditionalists there and throughout Iroquoia, see Richter, “Iroquois versus Iroquois,” 1–16.
80 JRAD 53: 136–59; Pynchon “Letters of John Pynchon, 1654–1700”, 80; Gookin, “Historical Collections,” 166–7; Burke, Mohawk Frontier, 74–5; Cogley, John Eliot’s Mission, 151–3. Cholenec’s original manuscript indicates “Tog8ir8t,” which I transcribe here as “Togouirout.” I thank Roy Wright for suggesting its likeliest translation. This appears to be the same name as “Tokwiro,” borne in recent years, by Chief Joe Norton of Kahnawake. The names mistakenly attributed to this figure in the scholarly literature include “Togouiroui” (given precedence by Béchard, including in his Dictionary of Canadian Biography entry) and “Togoniron,” both of which reflect a misreading of Cholenec’s original manuscript. Yet another name attributed to this figure, Athasata/Atahsata/Adhasatah (meaning Shadow, Shade, Eclipse) stems from confusion with a different leader at Kahnawake, Louis Ateriata (Atoriata, Adarjachta). See Henri Béchard, “Togouiroui,” DCB 1: 650–1; Devine, Historic Caughnawaga, 30, 53, 76, 79, 81, 95, 97; American Philosophical Society, Mss. 497.3.C772, n.p., Cooke, “Names beginning A,” Iroquois personal names, 1900–1951. Yet another name, Ti8ates’kon, may also have been associated with him. JRAD 60: 290.
81 JRAD 51: 125, 217; 53: 240; 57: 90, 96–100; 58: 83, 250–2; 61: 159–60; 63: 251. On the circulation and consumption of liquor among the Iroquois, see Richter, Ordeal, 85–6; Conrad, “Disorderly Drinking.” For a discussion of the broader context, see Mancall, Deadly Medicine; Ferland, Bacchus en Canada, 225–302.
82 JRAD 57: 62–6; 60: 102.
83 Ibid., 57: 70.
84 According to one account, Togouirout’s estranged wife had shown an interest in Christianity before her husband. On Togouirout’s migration, see ibid., 57: 25, 105–11; 63: 174–8. See also Chauchetière, Vie, 38–41; NYCD 13: 531–2. The single piece of evidence which makes it possible to identify Togouirout as a member of the Turtle Clan is a Dutch affidavit in favour of Jacques Cornelius Van Slyck bearing his mark – a turtle – dated 12 September 1683. See Schaffer Library, Union College, Schenectady, Deposition of Cryn, 1683.
85 JRAD 57: 24.
86 Ibid., 57: 68–70.
87 “Voyage du Comte de Frontenac au Lac Ontario,” in Margry, Découvertes et établissements, 1: 200, 202, 210, 219, 223–31; Frontenac to Colbert, 13 November 1673, in RAPQ 1926-1927: 35–41. Cf. JRAD 57: 74–6; Relations inédites, 171–7. For an overview of Frontenac’s expedition to Cataraqui, see Eccles, Frontenac, 104–7; Trudel, HNF 4: 223–6. On Louis Thaondechoren (Taondechoren, Taondechorend), see JRAD 50: 210; 52: 236–8; 55: 266–8, 276, 298; 57: 74–6; 58:134, 148–50, 196–8; 60: 78–80, 306.
88 Relations inédites, 1: 171–7.
89 Frontenac to Colbert, 13 November 1673, RAPQ 1926–1927: 35; Eccles, Frontenac, 51–74; Dickinson, “Les Sulpiciens,” 38–9.
90 JRAD 60: 68–70; Chaumonot, Missionaire, 194.
91 Beaulieu, Béreau, and Tanguay, Wendats, 105–7 ; Boily, “Terres amérindiennes,” 44–87.
92 JRAD 57: 46–8; 60: 68–70.
93 Ibid., 57: 82; 60: 70–92; Beaulieu, Béreau, and Tanguay, Wendats, 107; Clair, “Une chapelle,” and “Notre-Dame-de-Lorette.”
94 JRAD 54: 287; 60: 27. On migration to Lorette, in 1673, see Chauchetière, Missionnaire, 194–6.
95 JRAD 58: 248–50; 63: 179.
96 Ibid., 63: 178; 63: 168. For descriptions of Kentake as a “Huron colony,” see ibid., 56: 18; 57: 68, 76.
97 Ibid., 63: 180.
98 Ibid., 63: 180–4. Chauchetière, Vie, 97–100.
99 JRAD 60: 277, 287–9; 61: 206; 63: 184.
100 Ibid., 63: 191, 195; 58: 80; 59: 286; 60: 274; 62: 178; 63: 190, 194; ANOM, C11A: 4: 206–9, Frontenac to Colbert, 14 November 1674.
101 JRAD 58: 110–24; ASQ, X-136, “Idrographie et topographie de la rivière des prairies et de la coste de l’ysle Jesus qu’elle arrouse parcourue les 25, 26, 27 de 7bre 1674”; Lacroix, Origines de La Prairie, 34.
102 JRAD 56: 18–20; 58: 110–24; 59: 284–6; 63:178–80; 63:194; ANOM, C11A: 4: 206-209, Frontenac to Colbert, 14 November 1674; BANQ-Q, E21, S64, SS5, Fonds Ministère des Terres et Forêts, Série 64, Gestion du Domaine de la Couronne, Sous-Série 5, Biens des Jésuites, 1960-01-038/203, “Permission s’établir au Sault-Saint-Louis par l’intendant Jacques Duchesneau,” 1676; BANQ-Q, E21, S64, SS5, Fonds Ministère des Terres et Forêts, Série 64, Gestion du Domaine de la Couronne, Sous-Série 5, Biens des Jésuites, 1960-01-038/203, “Requête à Monseigneur Colbert pour la terre Sault en Canada qui a été défrichée en partie par une colonie de sauvages Iroquois Chrétiens,” 1679; Frontenac to Louis XIV, 6 November 1679, RAPQ 1930–1931: 108–11; “Acte de concession des terres du Sault-Saint-Louis,” 29 May 1680, in Pièces et documents, 74; Louis XIV to Frontenac, 29 April 1680, RAPQ 1930-1931: 115; Lacroix, Origines de La Prairie, 35–6; Boily, “Terres amérindiennes,” 98–109.
103 JRAD 63:180.
104 For the request and response of the Hurons, ca. 1675, see ASQ, Polygraphie 4, no. 20. “Achind8anes” in the original.
105 Tremblay, “Politique missionnaire,” 50–1.
106 Maurault, “Vicissitudes,” 121–49; Tremblay, “Politique missionnaire,” 48–9; Pritchard, “Glory of God”; Konrad, “Iroquois Frontier”; Dickinson, “Évangéliser,” 356; Filiatrault, “Rapport d’étude.”
107 ASQ, Polygraphie 4, no 20; ASSM, P1:8C.1.2-3c, “Procès-verbal d’arpentage
fait par Bénigne Basset […] des quatre arpents réservés par le Séminaire au domaine de la Montagne,” 6 December 1675; ASSM, P1:36-4, Pierre Rousseau, “Histoire de la Mission de la Montagne,” before 1912. See also Maurault, “Fort des Messieurs,” 29; Harel, “Domaine du Fort,” 19. Cf. Lacroix, Origines de La Prairie, 28.
108 ASSM, P1:36-8b, “Mémoire d’un missionnaire, prêtre de Saint-Sulpice de Montréal, relatif aux activités des Jésuites, à la campagne de Joseph-Antoine Lefebre De La Barre, gouverneur, contre les Iroquois et aux principes d’action des missionnaires sulpiciens,” 1685.
109 JRAD 63: 180.
110 Ibid., 60: 276, 286; Chauchetière, Vie, 100. Tonsahoten’s identity, while not stated here, can be deduced from references to him elsewhere as a “first captain.” See JRAD 61: 206. For an indication that village relocation could be a tense time even in Iroquoia, see Chauchetière, Vie, 60.
111 Chauchetière, Vie, 100.
112 Concerning the relocation and the new site, see JRAD 60: 274; 62: 166; 63: 190–4; Devine, Historic Caughnawaga, 40–1.
113 ASSM, P1:8A.3.17-04, “Notes de M. Roupe sur la composition ethnique de la mission,” ca. 1807–1829.
114 JRAD 61: 34–6.
115 In 1740, Vincent Onehatetaionk, one of the great chiefs of Lorette, went to visit the village of Kanehsatake at Lake of Two Mountains asking to see the community’s wampum. He was insulted to discover that only two remained of the twelve that “his nation” had deposited there when it lit “their fire,” the others having perhaps been traded away. Vincent took the belts with him back to Lorette, saying “that fire was dead since they had disposed of the Belts.” When Governor Beauharnois investigated the situation, he found that the Hurons of Lorette claimed to have certain “rights” at Kanehsatake, based on the fact that some seven [sic] years previously, the inhabitants of Kanehsatake had found themselves composed entirely of young men, and without a council. They had sent deputies to the Hurons of Lorette for that reason. The latter had listened to their request, established a constitution at Kanehstake by presenting twelve wampum belts, one for each article, and “given a chief” to it. While the manuscript indicates that these events took place “about 7 years ago” (“il y a environ 7 ans”), this is a clerical error that should read seventy. There is no evidence that such a dramatic event took place ca.1734: by then Kanehsatake at Lake of Two Mountains was a well-established and well-populated community, and colonial administrators tended to be diligent in documenting major occurrences in the missions. See ANOM, C11A 76: 263-264v, Mémoire de Canada, 1740 et 41, par Josué Dubois Berthelot de Beaucours, [1741]; ANOM, C11A 75: 138-142v, Beauharnois to Maurepas, 21 September 1741; Lozier, “Origines huronnes-wendates.”
116 JRAD 50: 210–12.
117 Ibid., 60: 306. On Thaondechoren’s Tionnontaté origins, see Relations inédites, 1: 171–2.
118 JRAD 63: 193–5
119 Ibid., 63: 192–4. See Béchard, “Tercentenary”; Lainey, “Monnaie des sauvages,” 266–7; Bonaparte, Lily Among Thorns, 161–2, 259–60; Devine, Historic Caughnawaga, 48.
120 JRAD 63: 194.
121 Merlet, Histoire des relations, 18–19 ; Chaumonot, Missionnaire, 205–6, 276–82; Clair, “Du décor rêvé,” 300–8.
122 Blouin, “Histoire et iconographie,” 1: 265; JRAD 52: 228; 54: 286; 58: 130; 60: 26; Chaumonot, Missionnaire, 174–6, 194–6; ANOM, G1, 461: 1, Census of 1685; Beaulieu, Béreau, and Tanguay, Wendats, 77–8.
123 On Tsaouenhohoui, see JRAD 45: 162; 55: 50; Steckley, Words, 122–5, and “Tsa8enhohi.” On Jacques Onnhatetaionk (Onnha’tetaionk, Ondhatetaionk, Annhatetaionk), see JRAD 36: 140; 57: 62–6; 58: 164; 60: 102. On Pierre Andahiacon (Andahiach, Andaiakon, Endahiach, Endahiaconc), JRAD 58: 132, 136–8; 60: 302–5. On Thaondechoren, see note 96.
124 Her name is also spelled Asenragehaon, JRAD 52: 164–5; 58: 136–7; 60: 296–300.
125 In light of this, John Steckley has suggested that the Huron community at Quebec may “been constructed around an amalgam of Bear and Cord” after 1656, with Atsena and his followers representing the northern Bear and the southern Bear preferring to stay with the French. See Words, 29–32. As I argue here, the evidence instead appears to suggest that the “Bear” character of the mission was the result of return migration from Mohawk country in the late 1660s and 1670s.
126 In a letter to the chapter of Chartres in 1678, the terms “Ouendat Lorétrônon Teiatontarigè” and “ouendat aouaatsi Loretronnon Teiatontarigué” appear (Teiatontarie being the Huron name for Quebec). Potier’s dictionary indicates that the people of Lorette were known as “Hatindgia8ointen,” “Ekeenteeronnon,” and “Lorechtr8nnon” by the Hurons of Detroit (a later entry suggests that “Lorechtr8nnon” could also refer to the “French of Lorette”). An early nineteenth-century map by Nicolas Vincent Tsawenhohi signals, in addition to “Roreke” (Lorette), the toponyms “Andatraka” (Ancienne Lorette), and “Junqusindundeh” (Jeune Lorette). For his part, Colden alludes to the “Quatoghies of Loretto,” Quatoghie apparently being an Iroquois name for the Hurons.Merlet, Histoire des relations, 3–4; Toupin, ed., Écrits de Pierre Potier, 230, 263; Colden, History of the Indian Nations (1747), 143 (see also 21, 28–9, 69, 121, xv–xvi); Wright, “Le Plan Vincent,” 240; Lindsay, Notre-Dame de la Jeune-Lorette, 309; Poirier, ed., Toponymie des Hurons-Wendats, 24, 33.
CHAPTER SIX
1 ANOM, G1, 461: 1, Census of 1685.
2 For estimates of Iroquois population see Parmenter, Edge of Woods, 289–91.
3 Thwaites, ed., JRAD 60: 276.
4 Chauchetière, Vie, 59–71. On Louis Ogenheratarihiens (or Ogeratarihen, meaning “Hot Ash” or “Hot Powder,” also known as Garonhiagué and Garohiaé, meaning “In-the-Sky” or “Celestial”), and Marie Garhio (Garhi) see Chauchetière, ibid., 20–76; Béchard, Original Caughnawaga Indians, 115–25; Henri Béchart, “Ogenheratarihiens,” in DCB 1: 522–3.
5 JRAD 63: 152, 178. See also ibid., 64: 242.
6 Grabowski, Common Ground, 340–1; Saint-Vallier, Estat present, 26–8; Brodhead et al., eds., NYCD 9: 441; LAC, MG17-A7-2, 6: 3764–3766, Tronson to La Barre, 30 April 1684; ANOM, C11A 9: 61-77v, Denonville to the Minister, 25 August 1687; ANOM, C11A 9:109v–112v, Denonville, “Mémoire du Voyage”; Baugy, Journal, 72-8; Lozier, Origines huronnes-wendates, 110–11. On the ethnic composition of the mission, see ASSM, P1:36-27, Cuoq, “Notes pour servir à l’histoire de la mission,” 1898; ASSM, P1:8A.3.17-04, “Notes de M. Roupe sur la composition ethnique de la mission,” ca. 1807–1829; Maurault, “Vicissitudes,” 122; Tremblay, “Politique missionnaire,” 49; Dickinson, “Évangéliser,” 356. See also LAC, MG17-A7-2, 6: 3435-3438, Tronson to Trouvé, 10 April 1680; LAC, MG17-A7-2, 6: 3322-3323, Tronson to Dollier de Casson, 1 May 1679; LAC, MG17-A7-2, 6: 3360-3361, Tronson to Trouvé, 16 May 1679; LAC, MG17-A7-2, 6: 3515-3523, Tronson to Belmont, 30 May 1681; LAC, MG17-A7-2, 6: 3645, Tronson to Belmont, 13 March 1683.
7 Domine Dellius wrote “Karig8istes,” La Potherie, “Karigouistes,” and Colden, “Caraguists.” See NYCD 4: 95; La Potherie, Histoire, 3: 200–3; Colden, History of the Five Indian Nations (1747), 163; Steckley, De Religione, 48, 136. Bruyas’s Mohawk lexicon translates “Garih8ioston” as “croire, être Chrétien,” Radical words, 91. In recent years, a few historians have repeated David Blanchard’s claim that the people of Kahnawake referred to themselves as “ongwe honwe tehatiisontha (real men who make the Sign of the Cross),” but this seems to be a later appellation used to distinguish Catholics from Protestants in the community beginning in the nineteenth century. See Blanchard, “Other Side of Sky,” 90. On the notion of “Karihwiio” (“Kariwiio” “Gai’wiio’,” “Gaiwi:yo:h,” “Gaihwi:io,” etc.), see Fenton, Great Law, 86n3, 95, 216, 218; Parker, Code of Handsome Lake, 5 and passim; Jocks, “Livings Words,” 225; Cuoq, Lexique de la langue iroquoise, 12. Parker’s version of the text also alludes to “Gai’wiiostuˇk (the Christian religion).” Ibid., 57, 141.
8 Chauchetière, Vie, 118.
9 JRA
D 54: 282–4; 57: 250–2; 60: 306.
10 BANQ-M, TL2, 1971-00-000/11584, Charles de Couange vs. Louis 8akouts (Oakon, Ouacont, 8akont, 8acouse), Jean Gatessa et Denis 8k8outé, July 1683. On Marie-Félix Arontio (Aronta) and Laurent Duboc (Dubosc, Dubeau), see JRAD 46: 286; Labelle, Dispersed But Not Destroyed, 110–11, 187.
11 See Havard, Empire et métissage, 69–70, 206–14; White, Middle Ground, 23–33; Jennings, Ambiguous Iroquois Empire, 172–6; Richter, Ordeal, 144–50; Brandão, Your Fyre Shall Burn No More, 118–25; Parmenter, Edge of Woods, 152–65; Mourin, Porter la guerre, 37–45. For the mission settlements’ relationship with the interior in the eighteenth century, see Labelle, Dispersed But Not Destroyed, 186–8; Peace, “Maintaining Connections,” 86–7.
12 JRAD 63: 240–1.
13 See Green, “New People,” 88–90; Parmenter, Edge of Woods, 175–6, 190–5, 204–6; Richter, Facing East, 159; Greer, Mohawk Saint, 99. Cf. Mourin, Porter la guerre, 221–5.
14 JRAD 63: 207–9, 213–15. Chauchetière alludes to a number of other crises that year, including rumours that a trading post would be established above the village or that the brandy trade would find a foothold there, and the killing of a Loup (Mahican) headman by the Iroquois, which was nearly – and falsely – imputed to Kahnawakes. It was Togouirout who investigated and cleared up the matter.
15 Ibid., 62: 255.
16 ANOM, C11A 6: 63v–64, La Barre to the Secretary of State for the Navy, 12 November 1682; JRAD 62: 255.
17 ANOM, C11A 5: 183–183v, “Arrest qui ordonne l’enregistrement [de] la concession de la seigneurie du Sault,” 24 October 1680. See also ANOM, C11A 5: 344–5, Louis XIV to Duchesneau, 30 April 1681; ANOM, C11A 5: 308v, Duchesneau to Colbert, 13 November 1681.
18 ANOM, C11A 5: 291–291v, Duchesneau to Colbert, 13 November 1681. On shifting policy, see Belmessous, Assimilation and Empire, 35–45.
19 ANOM, C11A 5: 291–291v, Duchesneau to Colbert, 13 November 1681; ANOM, C11A 6: 87-90, De Meulles to Minister, 12 November 1682; ANOM, C11A 6: 140v–141, La Barre to the Minister, 4 November 1683; ANOM, C11A 6: 194, De Meulles to the Minster, 4 November 1683; ANOM, C11A 6: 44, Louis XIV to La Barre, 10 April 1684; ANOM, C11A 7: 152, De Meulles to Minister, 28 September 1685.
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