The new British Military Commander, Sir Garnet Wolseley, was to write even more strongly on the issue:
I am sorry that both of these officers were not killed with their men at Isandlwana instead of where they were. I don’t like the idea of officers escaping on horseback when their men on foot are killed. Heroes have been made of men like Melvill and Coghill, who, taking advantage of their having horses, bolted from the scene of the action to save their lives, it is monstrous making heroes of those who saved or attempted to save their lives by bolting or of those who, shut up in buildings at Rorke’s Drift, could not bolt, and fought like rats for their lives which they could not otherwise save.11
With regard to Coghill and Melvill, it is interesting that no specific recommendation was submitted from Glyn, the commander in the field, and although his emotive dispatch praised their conduct he made no suggestion of any award. The Duke of Cambridge intimated to the Secretary of State for War that the terms of the dispatch merited the issue of a memorandum to the effect that they would have been recommended to the queen for the award of the Victoria Cross had they survived. Exactly the same situation applied to the recommendation made by the Indian Government on 15 May 1879 for the Victoria Cross to be awarded to Lieutenant Walter Hamilton for his action at Futtehabad in India. As with other attempts to bend the rules, the Indian application failed, as did the case for Coghill and Melvill.
There can be no doubt that Melvill richly deserved his award on at least two counts, firstly for denying the Colour to the enemy and secondly for remaining to assist the injured Coghill into Natal. The case of Coghill is only marginally less clear although, sadly, the awkward question concerning the authority for his flight from the battlefield remains unanswered. He probably left Isandlwana, under orders and early in the battle, to summon help from the reserves he fully expected to be at nearby Rorke’s Drift or even closer to Isandlwana. He also surrendered his only chance of escape by plunging back into the river, under heavy enemy fire, to assist Melvill and Higginson who were floundering midstream.
On 19 May 1879 the Prime Minister notified Melvill’s wife, Sara, that Queen Victoria had awarded her a pension of £100 a year ‘in recognition of the heroic conduct of your late husband in saving the Colours of the 24th Regt. on the field of Isandlana’ [sic]. Melvill’s father received a letter from Major General Dillon, War Office, dated 21 April 1879 which included the following line:
It is gratifying to His Royal Highness to inform you that, if your son had survived his noble effort, it was Her Majesty’s intention to confer upon him the Victoria Cross, and a notification to that effect will be made in the London Gazette.12
In 1907 the rules were altered to allow for the award of a posthumous Victoria Cross; perhaps the continuous pressure on King Edward VII from Coghill’s father, Sir Jocelyn Coghill, and Sara Melvill, influenced the change. On 15 January 1907 the London Gazette published the names of a number of families who were to receive a posthumous Victoria Cross, the list including the names of Melvill and Coghill, Melvill for attempting to save the colour, Coghill for attempting to save Melvill and the Colour. Sadly, Sir Jocelyn Coghill died just before the awards were announced.
Private 427 Samuel Wassall of the 80th Regiment of Foot (Staffordshire Volunteers) earned the only instantaneous Isandlwana Victoria Cross. When the camp at Isandlwana was taken by the enemy, Private Wassall retreated towards the Buffalo river, in which he saw a comrade, Private Westwood, struggling and apparently drowning. He rode to the bank, dismounted, leaving his horse on the Zulu side, rescued the man from the stream and again mounted his horse, dragging Private Westwood across the river under a heavy shower of bullets.
After his escape from Isandlwana, Wassall was unofficially attached to the Northern Column under Colonel Wood VC. Westwood was still recovering in hospital at Helpmekaar from his near drowning when he overheard two officers discussing an unrecorded event of ‘unparalleled bravery’ by an unknown soldier in the river. Weakly, Westwood managed to provide the required information but it took the army several weeks to trace Wassall. In the meantime Wassall had also fought with Colonel Buller at Hlobane, the second major British disaster of the war; Wassall uniquely survived both. In the London Gazette dated 17 June 1879 the War Office gave notice:
That the Queen has been graciously pleased to signify Her intention to confer the decoration of the Victoria Cross on the under mentioned Officers and soldier of Her Majesty’s Army, whose claims have been submitted for Her Majesty’s approval, for their gallant conduct during the recent operations in South Africa, as recorded against their names.
One of these was Samuel Wassall of the 80th Regiment of Foot. On 11 September 1879 Samuel Wassall, along with Robert Jones of the 24th Regiment (for his part in the defence of Rorke’s Drift), were presented with their Victoria Crosses by Sir Garnet Wolseley GCMG, KCB. Wassall was 22 years and 9 months old. His VC was the first awarded during the Zulu War; he was also granted a pension of £10 per annum for life.13
The incident of Higginson and Barker resurfaced at Pietermaritzburg on 17 December 1881. Sir Evelyn Wood was visiting Trooper Barker’s regiment, the Natal Carbineers, to distribute campaign medals. At the medal parade in the town’s market square, Wood concluded his speech with the following words:
I have only now heard of a gallant act performed by a straggler [Barker] whose late arrival [at Helpmekaar] is well explained by his having, during the retreat, given up his horse to an officer who was exhausted. Into this matter it will be my pleasure to enquire more.
Wood wrote to the War Office and recommended Trooper Barker for the Victoria Cross. The War Office duly replied on 10 March 1882:
Major General Sir Evelyn Wood VC.
Sir,
I am directed by the Field Marshal Commanding in Chief to acknowledge your letter of 6th instant, and to acquaint you in reply, that statements re Trooper Barker, Natal Carbineers, at the battle of Isandhlwana, on 22nd January, 1879, have carefully been considered. His Royal Highness desires me to state that, while trooper Barker’s conduct on the occasion referred to is deserving of every commendation, there does not appear to be sufficient ground, according to the terms of the statute, for recommending him for the distinction of the Victoria Cross.14
CHAPTER 9
Rorke’s Drift, 22-23 January 1879
This showed what a few men could do if they only had pluck}1
GUNNER HOWARD
The camp at Rorke’s Drift mission station was situated half a mile from the Buffalo river, Natal’s border with Zululand. Its commanding officer was Major Spalding of the 104th Regiment, Chelmsford’s deputy assistant adjutant and quartermaster general who enjoyed overall responsibility for the small garrison together with communications and supplies to and from the front line. During the previous two weeks the area between the mission station and the river had been home to over 6,000 troops; now it lay silent, guarded by a token force supplied by B Company of the 2/24th (2nd Warwickshire) Regiment. The detachment consisted of just 100 men to guard the advancing column’s reserve of stores and the hospital. Lieutenant Gonville Bromhead, a 35-year-old officer from a distinguished military family, commanded B Company. Bromhead has been popularly credited with poor mental acuity and little enthusiasm for anything of a military nature. This was undoubtedly the belief of his superior officers but he was popular with his men. He was an accomplished boxer and wrestler and a top-scoring regimental cricketer, although he suffered from deafness which caused him embarrassment on parade when he misheard orders. Bromhead’s senior NCO was 24-year-old Colour Sergeant Bourne, only 5ft 3in tall, who had originally joined the army under-aged as a 16-year-old. His father had initially tried to purchase his release due to his age and lack of stature but as he was doing so well his service continued.2 Bourne found success in the army and his three promotions to lance sergeant, sergeant and his present rank had all been made within the last year; furthermore, he had taken command in action on several occasions during the recent Cape Front
ier wars.
Bromhead was not the only officer at the mission station. Lieutenant Smith-Dorrien was in charge of a small wagon repair unit; the hospital building was commanded by Surgeon Reynolds who cared for the fifteen or so hospital bed patients suffering from a variety of illnesses and a similar number of walking wounded with minor injuries. The Reverend George Smith was also at Rorke’s Drift, having been left behind by the advancing column. The boxes of stores were organized by three hardworking officers of the Commissariat. Their senior officer was Assistant Commissary Walter Dunne who was supported by Acting Assistant Commissary Dalton, a very experienced officer with over twenty years’ previous service with the 85th Regiment, from which he had retired as a sergeant before moving to South Africa. Dalton’s deputy was 21-year-old Acting Storekeeper Louis Byrne, a civilian from Pietermaritzburg who had joined the Commissariat at Dalton’s request. Due to their lower status in the army, these three officers lived and dined separately from Bromhead and the other officers. Bromhead may have been aware that another officer, 33-year-old Lieutenant John Rouse Merriott Chard of the Royal Engineers, had arrived the day before in answer to Chelmsford’s request for an additional detachment of engineers, although most of Chard’s men remained sick at Durban suffering the after-effects of smallpox vaccinations.
On his arrival Chard reported directly to the engineers’ tents by the river where his fellow officer, Lieutenant MacDowell, and his engineers had their camp. He was disappointed to find that MacDowell and his men were now at Isandlwana helping with road repairs. Chard decided to remain at the drift and await orders. The following day he made contact with Spalding who instructed him to plan a redoubt overlooking the river and to supervise its construction as soon as further reinforcements of the 24th, still at Helpmekaar, arrived to undertake the work. Like the Commissariat officers and Captain George Stevenson, a Colonial officer of the Natal Native Contingent who commanded some 300 natives, Chard was not considered to be a ‘proper’ officer. All knew their place and each busied himself with his own responsibilities.
The next day, 20 January, Chard was content to tinker with the ponts but soon there was nothing for him to do. During the evening of 21 January an ambiguous order arrived from the Centre Column ordering the engineers to Isandlwana: ‘The party of R.E. now at Rorke’s Drift are to move at once to join the Column under the charge of the NCO.’ Clearly irritated that he was not mentioned in the order, Chard sought out Major Spalding to clarify his role and responsibilities. Not knowing what to do with him, Spalding suggested that Chard should ride to Isandlwana the following morning to discuss the matter with MacDowell, or with the column commander’s staff.
For those who remained at Rorke’s Drift, including Lieutenant Bromhead and the eighty-five members of B Company of the 2/24th, there was little to do other than to recover from the long marches of the previous weeks. The men’s favourite haunt was the cooking area where they could lounge about. When it rained hard they retired to their tents, which were pitched in two neat rows between the church and the small cattle kraal. Only the surgeon and his small team were fully occupied, caring for the growing number of hospital patients, who were suffering the effects of fever, trench foot, lumbago and rheumatism; there were also several patients who had been injured in wagon accidents. The senior ranking patient, Sergeant Maxfield, was given Otto Witt’s bed as he was delirious with fever while the remaining patients were on straw beds laid on wooden pallets propped up on bricks. Two men from the NNC were suffering from wounds sustained from the engagement at Sihayo’s homestead; Corporal Schiess, a Swiss national, had a bullet wound to his foot and Corporal Meyer was suffering from a leg injury. One of Sihayo’s Zulus had been shot through the leg and he was isolated from the other hospital patients. All were in the care of Surgeon Reynolds and his three orderlies from the Army Hospital Corps. On loan as cook to the surgeon was Private Henry Hook, the B Company cook, a 29-year-old teetotaller from Gloucestershire.
Unlike previous days, the morning of 22 January was unusually hot. A section of eight men were detailed to guard the ponts while the remainder busied themselves with their own affairs. Camped next to the river to the right of the old drift was Captain Stevenson’s NNC Company who lazed in the sun, as did their officer and six white NCOs. In the absence of any wagons to load, the Commissaries also enjoyed a peaceful morning.
After sunrise, Chard dispatched his small detachment consisting of Corporal Gamble and Sappers Cuthbert, MacLaren, Wheatley and Robson and all their stores, to Isandlwana. Chard rode on ahead of his men and on arriving at Isandlwana he found the main camp in a state of some confusion. Chelmsford was well on his way to Mangeni with half the force to support Major Dartnell who believed he had discovered the advancing Zulu army. The camp forward line was now manned by the 1/24th who were almost out of sight a half-mile from the camp. Chard learned that Zulus had been seen gathering about 2 miles distant on the Nqutu plateau which overlooked the British position, yet those left in camp were busy preparing to take down tents while the remainder – clerks, cooks and bakers, bandsmen, farriers and other camp staff – pursued their normal duties. All were indifferent to the Zulus observing them from the plateau. Chard went to the officers’ mess for breakfast and then sought out the headquarters staff to find out what his orders were. He was disappointed to find that no orders had been issued for him so it was suggested that he should return to Rorke’s Drift to supervise the ponts and keep the road between Rorke’s Drift and Isandlwana in good working order. Hearing some excited voices, he investigated and saw a much larger group of Zulus obviously observing the camp defences from the Nqutu plateau. Using his binoculars, he saw a number of Zulus move off to the west, perhaps, thought Chard, towards Rorke’s Drift. Chard decided to return to the drift and 1 mile from the camp he met Colonel Durnford’s column advancing towards Isandlwana accompanied by his own engineers; following a brief discussion with Durnford, Chard continued to Rorke’s Drift.
Chard was aware that Rainforth’s Company of the 24th were supposed to be coming from Helpmekaar to assume responsibility for the ponts but they were now several days overdue. On his return he discussed the matter with Spalding. Spalding was clearly irritated by the situation as he had already sent two written orders to Helpmekaar and could not understand Rainforth’s non-arrival. Spalding decided to ride to Helpmekaar to clarify matters; as he was about to depart, he asked, ‘Which of you is senior, you or Bromhead?’ Chard did not know so Spalding returned to his tent and examined his copy of the Army List. He told Chard, ‘I see you are senior, so you will be in charge, although, of course, nothing will happen, and I shall be back again this evening, early.’ Spalding departed Rorke’s Drift at 2 p.m. and with his departure he abandoned his chance of glory;3 Chard returned to his riverside tent for a late lunch with Commissary Dunne without informing Bromhead that the Zulus might be approaching. He decided to spend the afternoon writing letters.
It is unclear why neither Chard nor Spalding informed Bromhead, the commander of the only fighting troops at Rorke’s Drift, that he had seen Zulus heading in their direction. Chard may not have understood Zulu tactics but it meant that Bromhead and his men were oblivious of approaching danger. Meanwhile the Swedish missionary Otto Witt, the Reverend George Smith, Surgeon Reynolds and Private Wall of the 24th took some horses and rode to the Oskarsberg summit behind the mission station where they had a panoramic view across the Buffalo river into Zululand and beyond to Isandlwana. From the summit they heard the distant rumble of artillery fire from Isandlwana; they strained their eyes to see the 10 miles to Isandlwana and even used a telescope that the Reverend George Smith had brought with him, but could see nothing out of the ordinary. At the same time, the muffled sound of gunfire was also heard by those at Rorke’s Drift, but not by the semi-deaf Bromhead. Because Chard’s campsite was in a depression by the river and out of sight of Isandlwana the sound of gunfire was muted; Chard remained unaware of unfurling events.
Then, from their vantage poin
t, Witt’s group saw three distant columns of natives approaching the Buffalo river from the direction of Isandlwana. Smith’s first impression was that these were detachments of the NNC returning to Rorke’s Drift. It was not until half an hour later that he realized that there were two warriors on white horses leading an obvious impi of Zulus. The group also noticed scouting patrols of Zulus who appeared to be searching in wide sweeps and firing into the bush. In stunned horror they watched the advancing Zulus until Surgeon Reynolds saw some European riders approaching the mission station from the direction of the river; thinking that they might need medical attention, he set off down the hillside, quickly followed by the others. All four were now in no doubt that a large Zulu force had somehow bypassed Chelmsford’s main column and was heading for Rorke’s Drift. The Zulus were led by Prince Dabulamanzi, a half-brother of King Cetshwayo, and included the uThulwana, iNdlondlo and uDloko ibutho; they crossed the Buffalo river 4 miles below Rorke’s Drift and once across they divided into raiding parties. One group advanced along the Natal bank and onto the plateau behind Rorke’s Drift where they rested and took snuff. Prince Ndabuko kaMpande, the king’s younger brother, had urged his uMbonambi warriors to join Dabulamanzi’s warriors crossing into Natal – but because of their casualties they declined and returned to plunder Isandlwana.
Whether or not King Cetshwayo had told his generals to stay out of Natal is open to conjecture. Addressing his assembled army only days earlier, he had ordered his army to drive the British back to the Drakensberg. Certainly on 21 January the Native Border Guard protecting Natal’s border along the Buffalo river had heard that a large Zulu force was gathering at Mangeni, only a dozen miles from the camp at Isandlwana, prior to crossing into Natal. The NBG’s district commandant informed Major Bengough (Durnford’s second in command) who gave orders to prepare for the attack. Bengough sent an urgent message to Chelmsford warning him of the Zulus’ possible intention; the message was not acted upon.4
Crossing the Buffalo Page 15
