As we shall show, the ideological purpose of the discipline is to create a loyalty to national symbols that supercedes any ‘lower’ form of attachment. To state the notion in terms of the world view of the RSS: As the student progresses in ‘realization’, the boundaries of ego identity will crumble until he merges his own ego with the nation. The training programmes foster comradeship by developing close personal bonds between the participants and by inculcating an allegiance to common symbols. Such comradeship then infuses diffuse support for the RSS itself, establishing a commitment to the RSS and to its affiliated organizations.
THE SHAKHA: THE BOTTOM OF THE HIERARCHY
The basic unit of the RSS is the shakha, which the RSS leadership conceives of as the chief instrument for organizing the Hindu community. Membership in a shakha varies between 50–100 male participants. To have more than 100 is considered dysfunctional for group solidarity. By keeping the units small and oriented to a neighbourhood, participants in a single shakha probably come from similar social backgrounds, which increases the chances for social solidarity within the shakha itself.
Each shakha is divided into four age groups: (1) shishu swayamsevaks—6 or 7, to 10 years; (2) bal swayamsevaks—10 to 14 years; (3) taruna swayamsevaks—14 to 28; (4) proudh swayamsevaks—28 or older. J. A. Curran, on the basis of research carried out soon after India’s independence, estimated that about 60 per cent of the participants were between 18 and 25.62 Our observations substantiate Curran’s data. Shakha is held seven days a week, in the morning, the early evening, and at night. A participant decides which time is most convenient for him.63 There are also weekly and monthly shakhas for those who cannot attend on a daily basis.
The age groups are further divided into gatas (groups); a gata rarely exceeds twenty participants. A gata is composed of a common age group, and the participants tend to live in a particular locality. Attached to each gata is a gatanayak (gata leader) and a shikshak (teacher), both appointed by the shakha’s chief teacher (the mukhya shikshak). These two functionaries are the first level in the RSS hierarchy and are the initial testing ground for leadership.
A gatanayak is expected to be an ‘elder brother’ of the other swayamsevaks in his group and a model of ideal behaviour. He is responsible to his superiors for their behaviour and for their loyalty to the RSS; he is also expected to be an ideal swayamsevak whom his gata-mates will emulate. The shikshak teaches the games and exercises which the swayamsevak is expected to master. He may also lead his gata in discussion, a regular feature of the shakha. Gatanayaks and shikshaks usually meet with the local pracharak (full-time worker) every ten to fifteen days to discuss attendance, programmes, the functioning of the shakha, and RSS policy regarding various political and social issues.
The de jure authority of every shakha is the karyavah (secretary), an older and respected member of the locality. De facto authority, however, resides with the mukhya shikshaks, most of whom have advanced through the ranks from the gatanayak/shikshak levels. Most of the mukhya shikshaks we met were young men, typically in their twenties, who looked at their work as a kind of community service. To a large extent, the success of any shakha depends on the leadership ability of a mukhya shikshak.
Most areas will also have a karyalay (office). It is a kind of clubhouse where swayamsevaks come to talk with the pracharak (who may live at the karyalay), to meet with other swayamsevaks from the area, and to visit swayamsevaks from other cities (who can stay at many of the karyalays at no cost).
The attrition rate in the shakha is very high. The initial attraction for many participants is the opportunity to play games, attend camps and listen to interesting stories.64 The increasing commitment and demands on their time drive many away from the RSS. Therefore, it is quite important for the RSS to recruit mukhya shikshaks who are able to elicit personal loyalty from the participants. The more cohesive the group he leads, the more pressure will the group exert on other participants to conform to the norms of the leader.65 Perhaps even more importantly, these small groups of shakha participants are likely to enforce peer-group cohesion by rewarding behaviour functional to maintaining group interaction.
The ability of the RSS to sustain a high level of commitment even under the most adverse circumstances suggests that the RSS has had some success in recruiting capable teachers. A former swayamsevak, who could recall little that was favourable about the RSS, very favourably recalled his former RSS teacher: ‘I have not known another man [referring to the mukhya shikshak] endowed with his demonic energy for any work he addressed himself to. Whenever he was out of town, the attendance in the shakha would fall. Not a little of my devotion to the RSS was the result of my deep attachment to him.’66
MOVING UP THE HIERARCHY
Above the shakha in the pyramid of authority is the mandal committee (composed of representatives from three or four shakhas in a given locality); representatives from ten to twelve mandals form a nagar (city) committee. Above the city committees there may be zilla (district) and vibhag (regional) committees. Most of the day-to-day work in this structure takes place at the city level. The city committee consists of a sanghchalak (who occupies a position analogous to the karyavah in the shakha) and the heads of the RSS departments (physical training, intellectual programmes, recruitment, financial secretary). The committee meets weekly. The decisions (as well as orders from above) are transmitted down to the mandal through a karyavah (secretary), who usually presides over its deliberations. Representatives from each shakha are represented on the mandal committee, and the mukhya shikshak and/or the local pracharak pass on orders and information to the lowest level of the communications circuit. Above this structure, and theoretically exercising supervision over it, are state and national assemblies.
The prantiya pratinidhi sabhas (state assemblies) are deliberative bodies, but exercise no real power. According to the RSS constitution, a sabha consists of one elected delegate for every fifty swayamsevaks entitled to vote.67 The RSS constitution also specifies that the state sanghchalak will be elected by the state assembly,68 and he, in consultation with the state pracharak will appoint lower-level-office-bearers.69 In fact, the sanghchalaks, with few exceptions, exercise very little power over the day-to-day activities of the RSS. They are older influential men who add ‘wisdom’ to decision making and ‘respectability’ to the RSS. It is not uncommon for sanghchalaks to have no prior personal experience in RSS activities.
The Akhil Bharatiya pratinidhi sabha (central assembly), like its counterparts at the state level, meets once a year, and it includes delegates chosen by the state assemblies, sanghchalaks and pracharaks, and members of the central executive.70 Also like the state assemblies, it has no effective power, though the RSS constitution gives it general supervisory power over the whole organization.71 Rather, administrative power is exercised by the kendriya karyakari mandal (central working committee) and the general secretary.
PRACHARAK: THE MAJOR LINKING POSITION
Real power in the RSS structure resides with the pracharaks, who form a communications network outside the ‘constitutional’ system outlined above. They are the links between the various levels of the RSS. They have the commitment, expertise, and time to manage RSS activities; and they report to each other on the state of the RSS at periodic conclaves at both the state and all-India levels. While pracharaks bind the RSS structure together, they possess few of the symbols of power. The glitter belongs to the sanghchalaks, and the pracharaks are expected to behave deferentially towards them. There is an analogous situation in all the affiliates of the RSS.
Most pracharaks are recruited by a state pracharak in consultation with local officials who know the applicant. The state units determine their own manpower needs and have considerable discretion in assigning their own pracharaks. However, ultimate power for their placement resides with the sarkaryavah (national general secretary) who may shift them to other states, should manpower shortages exist elsewhere or among the affiliates. Pracharaks are on pro
bationary service for one or two years, and during this period they are referred to as vistaraks. According to one prominent RSS official, ‘If he can get along with others, inspire, and work hard, we then send him on for longer periods of time and some specific task.’72 Should he complete this second probationary assignment successfully, he will probably be integrated into the pracharak system.
Many of the pracharaks are loaned to the affiliates of the RSS. The pracharaks ‘on loan’ have a dual loyalty—one to the RSS and the other to the affiliated organization. Almost all pracharaks whom we interviewed stated that their primary loyalty was to the RSS, though they were careful to note that the RSS did not dictate policy to them. Should an affiliate develop on a separate path from the RSS, all insisted that they would immediately leave it. The pracharaks retain a close working relationship with the RSS organization in whatever area they are assigned. The RSS karyalay (office) is a place where pracharaks from several affiliates meet on an informal basis with their RSS superiors and discuss ways in which they can be of mutual service to each other. There are also formal meetings of pracharaks at the local and national level.
The ‘typical’73 pracharak is recruited in his early twenties. He is well educated, usually a college graduate. He is fluent in English and Hindi, besides the language of the area in which he works. Most of those we met were science graduates. He tends to come from an urban middle-class, upper-caste background.74 He has participated in RSS activities since his early adolescence, attended the three Officer’s Training Camps as well as a large number of other RSS camps. He has extensive travel experience, either on his own or on RSS-related business. He is a bachelor, and he has no outside employment. The RSS constitution stipulates that he ‘will receive no remuneration’.75 The unit to which he is attached provides him with living expenses, often including a scooter, and expenses for all travel connected with his RSS duties. His lifestyle is ascetic, his diet vegetarian, and his clothing distinctly Indian (kurta, dhoti, pyjama, etc.).
While the ‘calling’ is theoretically a lifelong one, about one half of those we met stated that they intended to return to the ‘secular’ world. Many mentioned that their families were exerting pressure on them to marry, to find a more prestigious job, and to make money. Others claimed that they had become pracharaks out of a sense of ‘devotion to the Motherland’, and intended to ‘sacrifice’ several years of their lives for the nation and then fulfill their duties as a householder. Still others expressed a desire to work in one of the affiliates of the RSS, because the RSS did not offer as much prestige and excitement. Balasaheb Deoras, then sarsanghchalak of the RSS, told us that he was aware of this desire, and he considered it a problem.76
SARSANGHCHALAK: THE CHIEF
At the apex of the RSS hierarchy is the sarsanghchalak, chosen by his predecessor.77 He is described in the RSS constitution as the ‘Guide and Philosopher of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’.78 In his last years as sarsanghchalak, Golwalkar left the administrative functions to the sarkaryavah (general secretary) and to the kendriya karyakari mandal (central executive committee).79 He generally did not intervene in the day-to-day operations of the RSS, doing so only when there was a major division of opinion.80 Balasaheb Deoras, his successor, takes a more active role, but he too leaves most of the administrative work to his general secretary.
Despite the constitutional provision requiring the sarsanghchalak to choose his successor ‘with the consent of the Karyakari Samiti’, Golwalkar chose Balasaheb Deoras only a few days before his death, and the central executive acquiesced. A competitive election would be considered a disruptive catalyst, resulting in factionalism that would undermine the unity of the organization. Two months before his death, Golwalkar addressed the annual meeting of the Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha (central assembly) and he warned the delegates to avoid factionalism. He advised them to abide by the decisions of the RSS leadership.81 Several weeks later, the ailing Golwalkar named his successor in his final testament. This document was not made public until shortly before Golwalkar’s funeral procession. In it he wrote that he had chosen his successor after consulting with the central executive committee and the prant (state) sanghchalaks. It is highly unlikely that anyone at their level would oppose the choice.
No RSS leader publicly questioned the legitimacy of the selection process, despite the fact that it neither conforms strictly to the RSS constitution nor to the understanding with the government when the ban was lifted in 1949. No formal debate preceded Golwalkar’ s choice, nor was there a formal vote. For the central executive committee to question the sarsanghchalak’s nominee would undermine the leadership principle of the RSS, and this would cause serious internal instability. However, the RSS leadership does have an indirect opportunity to influence the choice. The general secretary is usually acknowledged to be the likely successor. Both Golwalkar and Deoras were general secretaries before taking over the chief executive position. If the general secretary does not perform well, the senior leaders of the RSS can advise the sarsanghchalak to chose a new one.
RSS TRAINING
The shakha’s activities form the core of the character-building process. The common participation in rituals and discussions, a common uniform, and the choice of physical activities are all designed to enhance a sense of community. Shakhas are conducted on an open ground. The programme begins with the swayamsevaks arranging themselves in rows before a flagstaff.82 The rows may have up to twenty people (i.e., a gata), each row limited to a single age group. From left to right, facing the staff, are rows of shishu, bal, taruna, and proudh. At the front is the agresar (leader), usually the gatanayak. At the back is a shikshak. When the rows are assembled, the bhagva dhwaj (swallow-tailed banner of red ocher colour) is raised. This banner, associated with Shivaji, is the sacred image of the RSS and is honoured as the symbol of the ‘Nation-God.’
Flag
Having raised the banner, the swayamsevaks offer pranam (salute) by raising the right hand to the chest, palm parallel to the ground, head bowed. Following roll-call, the swayamsevaks assemble in different areas of the field in gata groups. The shikshaks, assisted by the gatanayaks, teach Indian games and yogic exercises.
The repertoire of games is quite large, and the games are all meant to build a spirit of cooperation. The most popular game is kabaddi (a vigorous kind of team tag). Sometimes ‘defensive’ skills are taught, such as the use of lathi (a five-feet-long stick made of bamboo) and the sword.83 After about half an hour, the mukhya shikshak blows a whistle to mark the end of the physical part of the programme. Either in separate gata, combinations of gata, or as a single group, the members assemble in a circle for the discussion period. The themes of the discussion typically relate to attributes of ‘good’ character (e.g., fidelity, fortitude, honesty, obedience to superiors, hard work, personal discipline), the need for unity in India, or some hero or heroic event in the history of Hindu India. Occasionally, patriotic songs are sung. Most of these songs praise Hindu warriors and heroes or describe the beauty of the Motherland. The following stanzas from two songs were recalled by a swayamsevak long after he had ceased attending a shakha.
I don’t want glory in the world, nor do I yearn for a place in heaven. Only confer on me, O Mother! a single birth that I may end my days wandering around thy lovely expanses like thy devoted lover.
A star is risen: the star of the RSS; come, ye brave, to the field of battle girt with your beloved beautiful sword. The bugle has sounded: on the field.84
Finally, the swayamsevaks again assemble in rows before the banner. The Sangh prarthana (RSS prayer) is then recited in Sanskrit by the whole group—Namaste sada vatsale matribhume (Salutations to thee oh loving Motherland). This is followed by the shout, Bharat Mata ki jai! (Victory to Mother India!); following the structured part of the shakha, the participants are encouraged to mix informally. They are also encouraged to visit the sick and those absent.
These activities are referred to as sadhana. This is any activity in t
he pursuit of religious enlightenment. A loyal swayamsevak is expected to practice sadhana in shakha every day of the year. He is excused from attending an RSS camp, if ill, or if visiting another city. If he is visiting another city, he is expected to report to the RSS karyalay there. Most karyalays will provide roam and board for a visiting swayamsevak.
Absence from shakha is considered one of the more serious offences against RSS discipline. A person who misses shakha will be visited by the mukhya shikshak and the gatanayak. They will usually visit the person at the conclusion of the daily activities to find the cause for the absence. One former swayamsevak recalls the approach that was taken when he missed shakha:
When he [mukhya shikshak] learnt . . . that I had defaulted for no sound reason whatsoever, he gave me an impassioned talking-to, asking me to realize that if I, supposedly an ideal swayamsevak, reneged on my obligation or duties towards the RSS and therefore to mother India, how could he expect others to abide by the shakha discipline.85
Indiscipline during shakha will often bring same immediate form of punishment, such as running around the shakha ground, doing sit-ups, etc. The mukhya shikshaks we interviewed felt that the punishment created a sense of guilt and the desire to reform behaviour.86 We suspect that peer-group cohesion effectively limits the frequency of indiscipline, and we witnessed no cases of indiscipline requiring punishment.
Special baudhik87 (intellectual sessions) are scheduled a few times each month. A single shakha or a group of shakhas will meet, usually in the evening, for a prepared lecture. These are background sessions to acquaint teachers with issues to discuss at shakha. Occasionally, these meetings are utilized to explain policy decisions made at Nagpur, to seek opinions on social and political issues, or to draw the swayamsevaks’ attention to major organizational and ideological problems facing the Sangh. We recall a particularly rousing baudhik in Bombay which discussed the merits of playing an ‘old-fashioned game’ like kabaddi in a city where most of the young people prefer cricket or soccer. The participants were not at all reluctant to disagree with the official support of kabaddi, though kabaddi continues as the officially favoured game. Swayamsevaks dine together at communal dinners (chandan) two or three times a year (usually on a full moon day in October and March) to emphasize their fraternal bonds.
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