John Stokoe’s reluctance to treat the Emperor was known beyond the precincts of Longwood and Plantation House. Balmain wrote home on 15th July: ‘[Stokoe] has refused to see Napoleon and to consult with O’Meara … he is afraid of offending Mr Baxter, the Governor’s protégé.’ Lowe had revealed his reservations regarding Stokoe to the Commissioners; he had offered Napoleon any medical man on the island but, as a naval surgeon, Stokoe was really off it! In the wake of O’Meara’s departure, his friends on St. Helena were nervous. They perceived themselves to be under the ever closer scrutiny of Lowe and his accomplices. Stokoe believed that he was being spied upon. He cites an episode in which he vigorously defended O’Meara at the mess-table on the Conqueror only to have his words later repeated back to him by the Admiral. This was not paranoia – Lady Malcolm comments in her diary that her husband, Plampin’s predecessor, discovered a ‘system of spies’ on the island with ‘every trifle’ reported to the Governor. On the other hand, Lowe’s behaviour was now that of a paranoid man. Encouraged by his henchman Reade, he was starting to question his own supporters. Of all the doctors on St. Helena, Walter Henry appears most sympathetic to the Governor’s cause but, in the autumn of 1818, no person was beyond suspicion. We find the following in Gorrequer’s diary.
Nincompoop [Reade] at his country house observed how extraordinary it was Fisico Henrico [Henry] should have been called by Shrug’s [Bertrand’s] wife and immediately after told Fisico Primo [Baxter] that he did not wish to go to the Cape, though the night previous he had shown himself so desirous to go there, and settled it all with Fisico Primo. ‘It looks very odd; there must be something in it, depend upon it; it’s damn strange’. ‘I’ll be damned,’ said Mach [Lowe], pacing the room with animation and filled of anger, red in the face, ‘if there is not an intrigue. You are right Nincompoop; that fellow [Henry] is intriguing to be appointed medico to our Neighbour [Napoleon] …’7
In September, Stokoe, through no fault of his own, became more closely associated with the activities of O’Meara in the eyes of the Governor and the Admiral. William Balcombe, father of the young woman to whom Stokoe had been almost betrothed, had by now returned to London. Lowe had suspected him of being too close to Longwood and of aiding the French in clandestine correspondence, and the purveyor’s actions in the capital showed him to be sympathetic to O’Meara and Napoleon. William Holmes, O’Meara’s friend and business contact, had been having problems in communicating with his client, letters either going astray or remaining unopened. Balcombe suggested to him that he address them to Stokoe instead – the surgeon could easily pass them on to his medical colleague. Unfortunately, from the autumn of 1818 onwards, Stokoe was required to open any correspondence in front of the Admiral. This was a result of his friendship with O’Meara and the discovery by Lowe and Plampin that Napoleon’s doctor, now off the island, had been involved in secret communications with Europe. Although the Admiral accused him of being implicated in this, Stokoe was quite relaxed as he knew that his genuine letters from friends could contain nothing to incriminate him. Indeed, he directed the St. Helena postmaster to send any letters or parcels addressed to him from home or the Cape to the Admiral for his perusal. Stokoe relates the denouement of the scheme of Holmes and Balcombe.
Very soon another parcel of books and pamphlets arrived, addressed to me and from the same sender as the box, Mr O’Meara’s agent, a gentleman to whom I was a total stranger. Puzzled to account for this unwarrantable proceeding, I followed the box to the Admiral’s house. When it was opened, two letters fell out addressed to me, one from Mr Holmes, the agent, containing a note for Count Bertrand, which he begged I would deliver to him, as, though it contained nothing of importance, he did not wish the Governor to see it. In this note, the Emperor was entreated to take exercise, in order to preserve his health, and not to give up hope that affairs would take a favourable turn for him. It also spoke of the interest which his purveyor, Mr Balcombe, took in his case, besides touching on money matters, books, and on visits which Holmes intended to pay in Paris to Las Cases and Laffitte, the banker.
When the Admiral opened the second letter he found that it also contained an enclosure; holding it up, he exclaimed: ‘For Napoleon Bonaparte,’ regarding me at the same time with a significant side-glance. Disappointed, perhaps, in his experiment, he corrected himself with: ‘Oh, no, for Barry O’Meara, Esq.’ Mr Balcombe was the writer; his style was laconic and expressive. Here is a specimen: ‘Dear Stokoe, – Be so good as to hand the enclosed to our friend O’Meara. I find that he has many partisans here, and I hope the B-g—ers will soon be turned out.’
Balcombe also indulged himself in some ribald comments on Plampin and his mistress at his old home, The Briars, and the Admiral decided not to share the contents with the Governor. However, Lowe was informed of the substance of the matter and Stokoe, although entirely innocent, was bound to be tainted by it. In fairness to Holmes, once he realised that O’Meara was no longer on St. Helena and that his plot had backfired, he made efforts to disentangle the hapless Stokoe. In letters to Bathurst and to Plampin, he explained why he had used the surgeon’s name (and that of a Mr Fowler) and emphasised that not only had he not been authorised to do this by Stokoe, but also that he had never heard from him or seen him. This confession satisfied Bathurst who wrote to Lowe in November advocating a measured response.
I am willing to believe that neither Dr Stokoe nor Mr Fowler are parties in this transaction and that those who have taken a part on the side of Mr O’Meara have been duped by him, and are sincere in the regret which they express. At any rate, I am sure you will do right to show no ill-humour and (if you still entertain) to conceal any suspicion regarding them.
Lowe had ‘entertained suspicions’ with regard to Stokoe before Holmes’s clumsy intervention. The Governor was less inclined than the Minister to give the doctor the benefit of any doubt and ‘evidence’ of an illicit connection would ultimately be used against him.8
By the end of 1818, Lowe had despaired of his attempts to install Baxter as Napoleon’s physician and he was instead making the case for James Verling who was still installed at Longwood. Napoleon remained equally determined not to consult with any doctor appointed or championed by the Governor. Stokoe was a marked man. Whilst he kept his distance from the French he had realistic hopes of self-preservation, but the whirlpool of Longwood was about to suck him in and swallow him up. Towards midnight on 16th January 1819, Napoleon suddenly became much more ill, complaining of sharp pain in the groin and shoulders, a violent fever and giddiness. He was actually unconscious for several minutes. For an account of what happened next and in the following few days, we have four witnesses; Stokoe, Verling, Bertrand and Captain George Nicholls. Montholon’s account was written years after the events and is unreliable. Nicholls was Orderly Officer at Longwood and was required by Lowe, in the absence of O’Meara, to confirm the presence of Napoleon on a daily basis, preferably by actually sighting him. The Emperor cooperated little and poor Nicholls found himself in a ludicrous situation, having to adopt a variety of ruses to get a view of the prisoner. His journal is a useful record of comings and goings at Longwood.
Although allegedly very unwell, Napoleon declined to see Verling – who was only a few yards away – and instead asked for Stokoe who was aboard the Conqueror. This refusal of immediate medical help renewed British scepticism as to the nature of his symptoms. Reade wrote to Verling, ‘How Stokoe will act, I am at a loss to know, but is Napoleon really so ill? I do not entertain a very serious idea of the urgency of the illness from the circuitous mode of seeking relief.’ Bertrand scribbled a short letter to Stokoe and handed it to Nicholls at around 3am on 17th January.
Sir, The Emperor has just had a sudden and violent attack. You are the only medical man at present in this country in whom he has shown any confidence. I beg you not to lose a moment in hastening to Longwood. On your arrival, ask for me. I hope that you will come in the course of the night. I am much troubled.
The Admiral has desired me to say that you are to order Dr Stokoe (surgeon of the Conqueror) to go directly to Longwood and call on Dr Verling as Bonaparte is very ill.
Briars, 17th January, 1819, 20 minutes past four o’clock in the morning. To be delivered immediately. John Elliot.
It is not clear whether Stokoe also had the Bertrand letter in his hands at this time but it was obvious that he had no alternative but to answer the call. ‘No discretionary power was allowed me as on the former occasion, therefore I obeyed the order with all possible speed, but in the greatest distress of mind.’ He was rowed to the shore where a horse was readied and he arrived at Longwood, five miles away, at 6.45am. Allowing for the labyrinthine communications, the distances travelled and the hilly nature of the country, this was as early as could be expected, less than four hours after the alarm had been raised.9
On his arrival, the doctor was informed that the greatest danger had passed and that, relieved by a hot bath, Napoleon was sleeping. Stokoe was asked to delay the consultation. This sequence of events was to prove important as the fact that the surgeon did not see the Emperor immediately served to heighten the suspicion of Lowe and his cronies that the symptoms were exaggerated. The doctor complied with the request to wait to see his patient and ate with the Bertrands.
After breakfast, Count Montholon came to me and proposed that I should replace O’Meara and become the Emperor’s surgeon. This I declined. He then asked my reasons. I replied that it was an appointment I might have been ambitious to obtain had I not witnessed the persecution of O’Meara, which, according to him, was in consequence of his refusing to do the degrading duty of a spy. The Count left me, and no doubt went to Napoleon and reported the conversation, for he came back in about an hour with a paper containing eight articles, dictated, I presume, by Napoleon, and presented them to me for my acceptance.
Stokoe read the articles, which were as follows.
(1) Mr Stokoe is considered as surgeon to Napoleon, and as filling the place of the French surgeon, mentioned in the decree of the British Government, dated the 15th of August, 1815.
(2) He is not to be taken away without the consent of Napoleon, at least by a simple order of the Governor, and especially as long as the disease continues.
(3) During the time that he fulfils the function of Physician to Napoleon, he is not to be subjected to any military disruption or duty, but to be considered as an Englishman holding a civil employment.
(4) He is not to be obliged to render an account to any person of Napoleon’s health. He will write every day, or oftener if necessary, a bulletin of Napoleon’s health, of which he is to make two copies, one to be given to one of the officers at Longwood, and the other to the Governor whenever he desires it.
(5) No person whatever is to meddle with this medical function, and no restrictions upon his communications with Napoleon and the French, either by writing or verbally, by day or by night, are to be imposed upon him.
(6) He is not to be obliged to render an account of what he sees or hears at Longwood, unless anything which in his judgement might compromise his oath of allegiance to his country and his sovereign.
(7) Dr Stokoe engages to serve Napoleon in his profession, independent of all prejudice or party spirit, as if he were his own countryman, and not to make any bulletin or report of his complaints without giving him the original.
(8) In accepting these conditions, he is to preserve the integrity of all his rights as an English citizen and officer. He demands to receive from the Admiralty the same pay as his predecessor, and not to be assimilated in anything with the French prisoners. The whole of the above to be done with the permission of his chief, Rear Admiral Plampin.
Norwood Young, who is mostly unsympathetic to Stokoe and the French, claims that this document was very likely written at an earlier date. Napoleon would have given the matter considerable thought and there is no reason to believe that he did not dictate these articles while Stokoe waited in an adjacent room. He had maintained much of his mental sharpness and he was quite capable of producing complex instructions off the cuff; his voluminous correspondence is proof of this.
Stokoe was faced with three choices. He could reject the articles outright and leave Longwood without having consulted with Napoleon. His critics suggest this as the correct course of action but the doctor had been told that the Emperor was seriously ill and, if he had died shortly after, Stokoe would have provided a convenient scapegoat for Lowe and Plampin. He could have accepted the articles unconditionally. This would have been foolhardy and playing into the hands of his persecutors. The third option, which he chose, was to make his acceptance of the articles strictly conditional upon the subsequent approval of Plampin – this stipulation is actually included in the final article – and to only agree to revisit Napoleon if his senior officer gave consent. He was encouraged in this approach by the fact that he could see nothing in the articles ‘incompatible with the honour of a British officer and a gentleman’. After stating to Montholon that he would accept the proposal only on this basis, he agreed to be taken to see the Emperor. The entirely conditional nature of Stokoe’s acceptance and his determination to seek the approval of his seniors as soon as possible are issues of key importance and are confirmed unequivocally by the available British witnesses. Nicholls notes in his journal of 17th January that Stokoe told him that the articles were for the ‘approbation’ of Plampin; it would be the Orderly Officer’s task to take a copy to Plantation House for Lowe’s perusal. Verling uses almost the same words, ‘Mr Stokoe had [later] gone to the Admiral to submit them for his approbation.’ Only Bertrand differs, simply stating that the British doctor accepted the conditions of employment without appearing surprised.
On entering the Emperor’s room, Stokoe found him lying on a sofa, his skin sallow and his features drawn. His description is very similar to Verling’s earlier account of Napoleon’s appearance. He still had the pain in his right side and the surgeon suspected an affliction of the liver.
‘How long might a man live with such a complaint?’ asked the Emperor, at the same time asking the doctor to answer him without evasion.
‘There are instances of men living to an advanced period.’
‘Yes, but is one as likely to live to that period in a tropical climate?’
‘No.’
‘What is the danger to be apprehended?’
‘Inflammation and possible suppuration.’
‘What would be the consequence of that?’
‘If the matter formed, and it broke into the intestines, he might be saved; if it pointed externally, he might be saved by an operation; but if it burst into the cavity of the abdomen, death must ensue.’
The Emperor clenched his hand and exclaimed, ‘I should have lived to the age of eighty if they had not brought me to this vile place.’
Stokoe left his illustrious patient and sat down to write a medical bulletin, one copy of which he left with Bertrand. He concluded his report as follows:
From the evident tendency of a determination of blood to the head, it will be highly necessary that a medical man should be near his person, in order that immediate assistance may be afforded in case of recurrence of the above alarming symptoms, as well as for the daily treatment of chronic hepatitis which the above symptoms indicate.
Stokoe’s critics say that he was coerced into expressing this
opinion by Napoleon who wished a doctor of his own choice to be in permanent residence at Longwood. This is possible but we must remember that Stokoe, a lowly naval surgeon, had just acquired sole responsibility for the medical management of the greatest man of the age. His every decision would be analysed and very likely criticised. It is understandable that he adopted a cautious or even a defensive attitude. Few doctors would have behaved otherwise. The unexpected onset of Napoleon’s more severe symptoms dictated the need for unbroken medical attendance as a commonsensical precaution. The Emperor’s appearance suggested that he was genuinely ill and the surgeon had no reason to doubt the medical history given to him by the patient and his companions.10
Napoleon's Poisoned Chalice Page 12
