by Ian Hughes
Before he could set sail Stilicho received a letter from Honorius forbidding him to go.7 Not only was Honorius unhappy with the concept of invading the East, but there had been a new development in the west: barbarians had crossed the Rhine into Gaul.8
The Invasion of Gaul9
On the last day of 406 a large number of barbarians crossed the Rhine frontier into Gaul. They consisted of Asding Vandals under Godigisel, Alans under two ‘kings’, Respendial and Goa, and a separate group of Siling Vandals and Sueves. Goa the Alan immediately offered his services to the Romans and, along with the people he led, appears to have crossed into the empire unhindered. He is later attested as serving Aetius.10 After a battle against the Franks the main body of the barbarians crossed the frontier and the news of the invasion was sent to Honorius. Once he received it, he immediately ordered the invasion of Illyricum to be cancelled.
The British Revolt
Unknown to Stilicho and Honorius, towards the end of 406 the British had revolted and elected a man called Marcus to be the new emperor.11 He was quickly assassinated and his place taken by Gratian, a British native.12 The news of the invasion of Gaul reached Britain early in the new year.13 When it was realized that Gratian was not going to act he was replaced by Flavius Claudius Constantinus, better known as Constantine III.14
Meanwhile, the Vandals, Alans and Sueves attacked the cities of northern Gaul.15 Constantine quickly collected an army together and crossed to Gaul, landing at Bononia (Boulogne). He sent his newly appointed generals, Nebiogast and Justinian, to secure Lyon, the capital of the Gallic prefecture. His troops ignored the barbarian invaders. However, shortly after the capture of Lyon, Constantine opened negotiations with the barbarians.16 By a combination of force and diplomacy Constantine brought the invaders under control and used them to swell his own ranks.17 To make matters worse for Stilicho, Spain also recognized Constantine.18
The Fall of Stilicho
News of Constantine’s landing caused a crisis and Stilicho now had no option but to cancel the proposed campaign in Illyricum.19 He ordered the Roman troops to move from the east coast of Italy to Pavia, yet by the time the army had been moved it was too late in the year (407) to take any action. In the meantime, Alaric returned to the western-controlled part of Illyricum and demanded 4,000 pounds of gold to pay for his troops’ invasion of Epirus.
Constantine sent envoys asking to be made a colleague of Honorius, a move that was rejected. Instead, early in 408 the Goth Sarus was given a small army by Stilicho and attacked Constantine, defeating Constantine’s forces and killing Justinian and later Nebiogast before besieging Constantine in Valence. However, new forces from northern Gaul arrived to support Constantine and Sarus fled back over the Alps.
It was now clear that a major expedition was needed to defeat Constantine. Over the protests of the Senate, Stilicho appointed Alaric to command in Gaul, despite the fact that the Senate had only just been forced to give in to Alaric’s demands for 4,000 pounds of gold. The move alienated many to Stilicho’s domination and opposition began to mount to his control.
At this point news arrived that Emperor Arcadius had died in Constantinople. Although Honorius wanted to go to Constantinople to supervise the care of the new emperor, his nephew Theodosius II, Stilicho intervened and declared that he would go himself. Tensions mounted, but for unknown reasons Stilicho remained stationary in Italy.
Finally, in mid August 408, as the emperor inspected the troops in Pavia prior to the Gallic expedition, Olympius, Honorius’ magister scrinii (master of the imperial secretaries), instigated a mutiny of the army. Many leading men of Stilicho’s regime were seized and killed, and the emperor himself feared for his life.
News of the mutiny was quickly carried to Stilicho, who at this time was in Bononia. He fled to Ravenna, and Olympius, who was now master of the emperor, ordered the troops in Ravenna to put Stilicho under house arrest. When news reached Stilicho of his impending arrest he sought sanctuary in a church. At day-break on 22 August 408 the soldiers, led by one Heraclianus, entered the church and swore an oath before the bishop that they had been ordered by the emperor not to kill but to arrest Stilicho.20 Once Stilicho was out of the church, however, Heraclianus produced a second letter condemning him to death for his ‘crimes against the state’.21 At this point Stilicho’s servants and loyal federates made to rescue him from execution, but Stilicho stopped them with ‘terrible threats and submitted his neck to the sword’.22 On his death, chaos and anarchy broke out in Italy.
Map 2. The Western Empire c.408
AFTER STILICHO
Resentful of Stilicho’s employment of barbarian troops and of their loss of prestige, the regular Roman army in Italy turned upon the federates. However, the barbarian troops were not at hand, so in an orgy of bloodlust the Romans killed or enslaved the families of the allied troops.23 This was a huge mistake, since the federates immediately joined their forces to Alaric.
Some of Stilicho’s supporters were also killed, but such executions only appear to have been at the start of the revolt: many of Stilicho’s supporters, such as Constantius, survived and later rose to high rank. Amongst the survivors was Gaudentius, although why he was spared is unknown. The suggestion that this was due to the influence of his rich and possibly powerful wife is a possibility, but remains conjecture.
ALARIC
With his new reinforcements Alaric was once again in a position to invade Italy, this time without Stilicho to oppose him. Surprisingly, Alaric did not immediately invade Italy, instead releasing the hostages he had been given in 405. Aetius and his fellows were allowed to return home. There followed a series of embassies between Alaric and Honorius. As part of the negotiations Alaric asked for a new exchange of hostages, specifically that Aetius be one of those given to him. Honorius refused.24 At an unknown date, but probably between 408 and 410, Aetius was sent to the Huns as a hostage, almost certainly as part of an agreement to ensure that the Huns did not invade the West during the period when Alaric was at large in Italy.25
Frustrated by Honorius’ refusal, Alaric once again invaded Italy.26 Without an active leader, the Roman army was powerless to resist. Realizing that Honorius in Ravenna was safe, Alaric laid siege to Rome. When the citizens of Rome agreed to support his demands Alaric raised the siege. Olympius fled into exile and his place was taken by Jovius, who now began negotiations in an attempt to prevent war,27 reaching an agreement with Alaric.28 However, when the proposal was put to Honorius, the emperor refused to ratify any of it, declaring that he would never have a Goth as magister militum29 Alaric immediately made a more moderate offer, but again Honorius rejected it.30
Alaric returned to Rome and in 409 placed the city under siege for a second time. In December 409 he persuaded the praefectus urbis Romae, Attalus, to become his puppet emperor. It is probable that it was at this time that Galla Placidia was taken captive by the Goths, as it was only now that she is mentioned by Zosimus as being a hostage of Alaric, not before.31
Emperor Attalus and Alaric moved to Ariminum, from where they hoped to put pressure on Honorius. Talks began, but at this vital moment 4,000 troops arrived from Constantinople to help Honorius. Gaining confidence from their unexpected arrival, Honorius stood firm and the talks broke down.32
In summer 410 Alaric deposed Attalus in the hope that the concession would encourage further negotiations, and was advancing towards Ravenna in preparation for the opening of talks when he was unexpectedly attacked by Sarus.33 Although victorious, Alaric saw the attack as being ordered by Honorius. Furious, Alaric returned to Rome, and on 24 August 410 his troops were allowed to enter the city at the Salarian Gate: for the first time in 800 years, the Eternal City was sacked by barbarians.34 The event shocked the Roman world and doubtless when the news reached him Aetius was just as appalled.
After the sack Alaric marched his troops south and began to gather ships for an attempt to attack and conquer Africa. Unfortunately for Alaric, storms destroyed the fleet he had gathe
red. At this point he became ill with an unknown disease and died. His successor was his brother-in-law, Athaulf.
GAUL, SPAIN AND CONSTANTIUS
Whilst this was happening in Italy, in 409 Constantine III’s new magister militum Gerontius had rebelled and proclaimed a man named Maximus as emperor.35 As support for his new regime was poor in Spain, Gerontius decided to employ the barbarians currently in Gaul. After devastating Gaul, in early autumn 409 the Vandals, Alans and Sueves crossed the Pyrenees and entered Spain to serve with Gerontius.36 They were allocated land by Gerontius, deciding which tribe received which area by the means of lots when they could not reach an amicable agreement.37 The Asding Vandals received the southern parts of the province of Gallaecia while the Sueves took ‘that part of Gallaecia which is situated on the very edge of the western ocean’;38 the Siling Vandals were granted lands in Baetica; the Alans received territory in Lusitania. Gerontius himself retained Tarraconensis and Carthaginiensis.
In 411 the remainder of the Spaniards ‘in the cities and forts surrendered themselves’.39 Finally assured of his position in Spain, and with the barbarians overcoming local opposition to their settlement, Gerontius attacked Constantine in Gaul. He quickly defeated Constantine’s forces and killed Constantine’s son Constans at Vienne, after which he placed Constantine under siege in Arles.
CONSTANTIUS III
Unfortunately for Gerontius, Honorius had finally appointed a new magister militum, an energetic and capable soldier by the name of Constantius, who had been a supporter of Stilicho. Constantius took an army across the Alps and advanced on Arles. Gerontius’ Spanish troops deserted him and he fled back to Spain, where shortly afterwards his troops mutinied – no doubt unhappy with his settlement of the barbarians in Spain – and he was executed. In the meantime, Constantius continued the siege of Arles. Eventually, the city surrendered, and Constantine III was arrested and beheaded. The military exploits of Constantius triggered a new feeling of optimism in Rome, as evidenced by the list of buildings repaired in Rome after the sack of the Goths. The sense of renewal was echoed by Olympiodorus, whose history reveals a story of decline and renewal between 407 and 425.40
BRITAIN
When Constantine III had crossed from Britain to Gaul the inhabitants of Britain would have been hoping for the renewal of a strong empire under the dynamic leadership of a British-nominated emperor. They were to be quickly disillusioned. After rapidly advancing to the south of Gaul, Constantine’s rule stagnated, even allowing his own magister militum, Gerontius, to rebel. As events in Gaul deteriorated into total confusion, with usurper replacing usurper, Britain came under pressure from external threats, especially from the Saxons across the North Sea.41 Unable to obtain help from the continent, the British finally gave up hope and decided to defend themselves. At some point between the years 408 and 411 Britain left the empire for the last time.42
ATHAULF AND WALLIA
Athaulf, the new leader of the Goths after Alaric’s death, remained in Italy during 411. In 412 he led his forces into Gaul, taking with them the emperor’s sister Galla Placidia, and declared his support for yet another usurper called Jovinus. However, Jovinus and Athaulf quickly fell out. Reaching agreement with Honorius, Athaulf attacked and captured Jovinus, who was quickly beheaded. Despite this, Athaulf could not count on Honorius’ full support, since the Romans did not keep their side of the agreement, mainly because Galla Placidia remained a Gothic captive. Consequently, Constantius began to put military pressure on the Goths. Notwithstanding this, in January 414 Athaulf married Galla Placidia.43 She quickly bore him a son named Theodosius. Unfortunately, Theodosius died soon after, and Athaulf himself was assassinated in 415.
Athaulf was succeeded by Sarus’ brother Sigeric, who humiliated Galla Placidia by making her walk in front of his horse. Fortunately for her, he was assassinated after a rule of only seven days and the new king, Wallia, soon came to an agreement with Honorius and Galla Placidia returned to Italy – where she was forced to marry Constantius, despite the fact that she loathed him intensely. As part of the agreement the Goths were ordered to attack the Vandals in Spain, the date of the attack probably being 416.44
SPAIN
The attack came as a complete surprise. Earlier, probably in 411, the Vandals, Alans and Sueves appear to have reached an agreement with Honorius, although the accuracy and dating of this claim is still a matter of debate.45 Since that time, the barbarians in Spain appear to have remained peaceful.46 However, they were still harbouring the usurper Maximus, who, following the defeat of Gerontius, had fled to them for safety, and since then they would appear to have refused to return him to the empire.47
In 416 Wallia led the Goths against the Vandals in a campaign the Goths completed to great effect. The huge losses suffered by the Vandals appear to have been enough to convince Constantius to order the Goths to withdraw. It was now clear that, having lost so much of his potential support, Maximus was no longer a threat, and it is probable that Constantius was worried that a complete elimination of the Vandals would encourage Wallia to abandon the new treaty and instead attempt to take the place of the Vandals in Spain. On their return, in 418 or 419, the Goths were allowed to settle in Aquitania in Gaul.48 Their long wanderings were finally over. Unfortunately for Wallia, he died shortly afterwards and was succeeded by Theoderic.49 Either before his elevation, or more likely shortly afterwards, in an attempt to cement his position, Theoderic married Alaric’s daughter.50
THE SETTLEMENT OF THE VISIGOTHIC KINGDOM
The treaty by which the Visigoths were settled in Aquitania in 418 has been the subject of much debate. The argument is based upon the ambiguous phrasing used in the sources, which can be interpreted to either mean that the Visigoths were allocated money and treated as soldiers or that they were granted land and its associated revenues.51 However, it is probably best to follow Philostorgius and accept that the Visigoths were granted land to farm in return for supplying troops when required.52 It is unlikely that they were individually allocated land by the Roman bureaucracy, although this remains a possibility. It is more likely that the Goths simply moved in and took land in different regions depending upon local conditions.53
The concept that the Visigoths were granted land is reinforced by a review of the personalities involved in the treaty. Wallia was the leader of a large group of people who had been harassed out of Italy and forced, usually on the verge of starvation, along the southern coast of Gaul before being compelled to fight in Spain for the empire. There can be little doubt that, shortly before his death, the offer of land to farm for his people would have been accepted with a minimum of hesitation. On the other hand, the magister militum Constantius (later Emperor Constantius III) had been a follower of Stilicho. Constantius had taken a leading role in having Olympius killed for his actions in inciting the mutiny against Stilicho.54 It is likely that Constantius used both Stilicho and the Emperor Theodosius I as his military and political role models. As a result, Constantius followed the example set by Theodosius, settling the Visigoths in Gaul and imposing similar terms as Theodosius had applied in 382. Due to the hardships of their years fighting against Rome it is clear that the Goths were in poor condition, since they seem to have been given a tax exemption in order to help them recover after the initial settlement.55
The decision to settle the Goths in Gaul may seem strange, given that Stilicho had taken great pains to keep them out of the trans-Alpine region. Yet it simply reflected political and strategic reality. At no point could the Romans have evicted the Goths from Gaul and forced them to return east. The Romans did not have the surplus manpower for a campaign carried out in the teeth of fierce Gothic opposition: after their long suffering, the Goths would have resisted to their utmost any attempt to return them to their starting point in Illyricum. Furthermore, since the battles against Alaric in 402, conditions had changed in Gaul. By settling the Visigoths in Aquitania Constantine could set them to guard against any attempt by the Vandals, Alans or Suev
es to re-enter Gaul from Spain. Moreover, they were now perfectly placed for campaigns against the barbarians in Spain, as well as against insurgents, usurpers or bacaudae in Gaul itself.56
It also seems certain that the Roman government did not expect the Visigoths to remain independent for long. The fact that the Roman administrative system continued to function normally implies that the Visigoths were perceived as a ‘friendly and obedient force’ on Roman territory.57 However, at least in part this was due to the fact that the Germanic peoples entering Roman territory had no political agenda of their own and no ideology that they wished to impose. As such, they found it ‘most advantageous and profitable to work closely within the well-established and sophisticated structures of Roman life’.58
It is common to find modern historians criticizing Theodosius, Constantius and their successors for their policy concerning the settlement of barbarians on Roman soil. The main problem that is addressed is that the new settlements, unlike those of earlier centuries, retained their political leaders, rather than being settled on Roman terms under Roman supervision and governed by Roman prefects.59 This was the major flaw in the Roman plan: although the Visigoths were settled on land according to Roman terms, they remained a people apart with their own leader. Additionally, their new king, Theoderic, was only recently crowned and needed to boost his own standing with his followers if he was to strengthen his hold upon his people. Although it is likely that Constantius believed that he could weaken the Visigoths politically and militarily over time, he was not to be allowed that time to fulfil his plans.
The other criticism of these settlements is due to the loss of revenue from the settled areas to a government whose coffers were already rapidly shrinking.60 With the settlement of the Goths these complaints reach their apogee. Unlike earlier (and later) settlements, the treaty with the Goths appears to have placed two-thirds of the income of the forfeited territory into their hands, leaving only one-third in the hands of the Romans.61 Usually, only one-third of the income was granted to the settled barbarians, following the traditional Roman method of quartering soldiers on the owners of land, known as hospitalitas.
