Even since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Middle East has remained the place most likely to draw the United States into battle, as we saw in 1991 when Saddam Hussein threatened U.S. oil supplies in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, and President George H. W. Bush initiated Operation Desert Storm, and again in 2003, when the perceived danger from Iraq led President George W. Bush to send troops to depose Saddam.
A New Plague
Another phenomenon that has drawn U.S. attention to the region is terrorism. Fanatics associated with radical political and religious organizations have murdered U.S. diplomats, attacked American installations, killed civilians, and, more recently, brought their war to America’s shores by first attempting to blow up the World Trade Center in New York in 1993, and then succeeding in bringing down the Twin Towers and attacking the Pentagon on September 11, 2001. They have also mounted other unsuccessful operations aimed at changing or undermining U.S. policy.
Most Americans know little about Islam, a religion that is 1,300 years old, but they have developed an interest, or more precisely, a concern about radical Muslims since 1979, when Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini overthrew the pro-Western Shah of Iran and 53 Americans were held hostage for 444 days. The public perception of Islam has been further colored by the violent acts perpetrated by radical fundamentalists whose behavior by no means represents mainstream Muslim thought, but who represent a powerful force throughout the region.
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Hieroglyphics
Ayatollah is a title of honor given to outstanding religious authorities of the Shiite sect of Islam. The word is derived from the Arabic term ayatallah, meaning “miraculous sign of God.” The title has primarily been used in Iran, where it also is associated with political leadership. Ayatollah Khomeini was the spiritual leader and founder of Iran’s Islamic Republic.
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With the end of the Cold War, terrorism, particularly from Middle Eastern groups, is seen as one of the principal threats to U.S. security—despite the fact that most of the terrorist attacks take place in the Middle East and are largely directed at Turkey, Israel, and some of the Arab countries.
In the late 1960s and early 1970s, terrorists launched daring operations to hijack airliners and perform other heinous acts, with the intention of escaping afterward. Their desire to stay alive gave law enforcement and counter-terrorist agencies an opportunity to deter terrorism.
But today many terrorists believe that if they die carrying out murderous attacks on so-called “infidels,” they will be rewarded with a place in Paradise. Thus, we now face the phenomenon of the suicide bomber—a person who kills himself along with his target, thereby becoming nearly impossible to stop.
The United States has taken some dramatic steps to counter terrorism, from kidnapping suspected terrorists to bombing their headquarters and sponsors. Since September 11, the United States has declared a war on terrorism and has made that one of its principal foreign policy objectives (see Chapter 27).
The Genie Unleashed
In 1981, Israel was universally condemned for destroying the Iraqi nuclear plant at Osirak (see Chapter 18). A decade later, the many world powers realized what a favor the Israelis had done for them. Iraqi President Saddam Hussein was determined to build a nuclear weapon, and, had Israel not acted when it did, U.S. forces in the Gulf might have faced a far more formidable foe. After the Gulf War, the international community discovered what a threat Saddam really was, for he had developed a large arsenal of nonconventional weapons—both chemical and biological.
The proliferation of missile technology and nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons in the Middle East—especially given the region’s instability and strategic importance—is impossible to ignore. The U.S. defeat of Iraq prompted Libya to reveal that it was trying to develop nuclear weapons. That country agreed to give up its ambition; however, Iran has resisted international pressure to abandon its nuclear program, which it pursued secretly for years before being discovered. It’s believed that Iran may now be no more than two to five years away from building a bomb. Egypt and Syria also have stockpiles of nonconventional weapons.
Arab leaders often suggest the real danger in the region is Israel, a country that already has nuclear weapons, to mask regional rivalries. For example, the stimulus for Iran’s nuclear weapons program was probably the fear that Iraq might get them first.
Israel believes that having nuclear weapons helps neutralize the advantage the Arab nations collectively have in firepower and troops. Of course, the value of the bomb depends largely on a nation’s willingness to use it, and the general belief is that Israel would deploy nuclear weapons only in response to a nonconventional attack or as a desperate measure if its survival were at stake.
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Hieroglyphics
Arab nations are those where Arabic is the principal language spoken. Islamic nations include non–Arabic-speaking countries where Islam is the dominant religion and often the source of the government’s legitimacy (e.g., Iran). Islam is the official religion of all the Arab nations.
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Of course, Israel’s possession of nuclear weapons further stimulates the Arabs’ desire to develop one of their own. It also provides an incentive for Arab countries to obtain the “poor man’s bomb”—chemical and biological weapons.
And we should not forget the huge numbers of conventional weapons that have been stockpiled in the region and the likelihood that they will be used in the future. Many U.S. allies, particularly Egypt, Israel, and Saudi Arabia, have obtained tens of billions of dollars worth of our most sophisticated weapons.
When the Soviet Union was supplying its allies with similar military equipment, the Middle East arms race was in full swing. It has abated only slightly since 1989 with the fall of the Berlin Wall. Russia continues to provide technology and weapons to countries in the region, as do other nations, notably North Korea and China.
Press Obsessions
With U.S. troops in harm’s way in Iraq, that country is grabbing most of the headlines, but at other times and, despite all the reasons for caring at least as much, if not more, about other nations in the region, the lion’s share of media coverage is typically devoted to Israel. In fact, Israel probably has the highest per capita fame quotient in the world. U.S. news organizations usually have more correspondents in Israel than in any country except Great Britain. It is quite remarkable that a country the size of New Jersey routinely merits top billing over seemingly more newsworthy nations such as Russia and China.
Americans know more about Israeli politics than those of any other foreign country. Most of Israel’s leaders, for example, are more familiar to people here than the leaders of our neighbors, Canada and Mexico.
The “Arc of Silence”
One explanation for this extensive media coverage lies in the differences in how democratic Israel and the authoritarian Arab regimes regard the media. The journalistic community considers the Arab/Islamic world the “arc of silence.” In these countries, the media is strictly controlled by totalitarian governments. By contrast, Israel has one of the most freewheeling press corps in the world. Think about it. How often have you seen a TV news anchor reporting live from Cairo, Baghdad, Damascus, or Riyadh? But reports from Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, and the West Bank are a news staple.
The limited access is often used as an excuse for the media’s failure to cover news in the region. This was the case, for example, in the 1980s during the Iran-Iraq war, one of the bloodiest conflicts in the past four decades and the longest of the twentieth century (1980–1988), but which got scant coverage by American media. Still, given the resourcefulness of American journalists (remember when Dan Rather dressed in mufti—like an Afghan—to climb mountains with Afghan rebels?), it is shocking that so little coverage is given to the Arab nations.
Risky Business
When journalists are allowed to pierce the veil of secrecy, the price of access to dictators and terrorists is often steep. Reporters are somet
imes intimidated or blackmailed. They sometimes must agree to put the subject in a positive light, the location of wanted terrorists is concealed, and photographers can only take certain pictures. If journalists play along, their safety is assured; if not, they are on their own.
Journalists usually do not have the freedom to travel where they want in Arab countries: they are escorted so that they only see what the powers that be want them to see. Often, if they are allowed to go around on their own, they’re followed. Citizens are warned by security agencies, sometimes directly and sometimes more subtly, that they should be careful about what they say to visitors. Also, if a journalist displeases the authorities, he or she might not get back in. After September 11, for example, Palestinians in the West Bank town of Nablus celebrated the attack on the United States. The demonstration was caught on film by an Associated Press (AP) cameraman. He was subsequently summoned to a Palestinian Authority security office and told the material must not be aired. He was also threatened by a terrorist group associated with former PLO chairman Yasser Arafat’s Fatah organization. Ahmed Abdel Rahman, Arafat’s cabinet secretary, told the AP the Palestinian Authority “cannot guarantee the life” of the cameraman if the footage was broadcast anywhere. The AP subsequently refused to release the footage, but film of Palestinians celebrating from another source was ultimately shown on U.S. television.
It’s Not Our Problem
Americans also typically are not interested in the fratricidal wars of people in other countries when the fighting does not appear to have any bearing on U.S. interests. This is true in Africa, the Balkans, and even nearby Latin America.
Another explanation for the disproportionate coverage Israel receives is that few correspondents have a background in Middle East history or speak the regional languages. Journalists are more familiar with the largely Western culture in Israel than the more foreign Muslim societies.
Furthermore, television emphasizes visuals over substance, which encourages facile treatment of the issues. When NBC’s correspondent in Israel was asked why reporters turned up at Palestinian demonstrations in the West Bank that they knew were being staged, he said, “We play along because we need the pictures.” The networks can’t get newsworthy pictures from countries such as Syria, Saudi Arabia, Iran, or Libya.
Jews Are News
So now you can see some of the reasons why the Arab world doesn’t get more attention. But these reasons still don’t account for the heavy coverage Israel receives. Our preoccupation with Israel has to do with the simple fact that Jews are news. Sounds funny, but it’s true.
People are fascinated by this “People of the Book” who’ve wandered from country to country through the centuries, suffered great persecution, returned to their homeland, built a thriving high-tech society, and have fought and defeated enemies who had overwhelming superiority. Americans admire the pioneering spirit of the Jews, who first settled in Palestine and created kibbutzim, in part because it mirrors the American spirit. Americans also like underdogs, and the Israelis were long viewed as “David” against the Arab “Goliath.” Today that image has largely changed as a result of Israel’s military strength, and it is the Palestinians who are now typically portrayed as “David.”
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Hieroglyphics
A kibbutz (plural, kibbutzim) is a communal settlement in modern Israel. Originally, kibbutzim had an agricultural focus, but many of them now engage in a variety of activities, including tourism, high-tech ventures, and other industries.
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Americans also tend to have higher expectations for the Jews than they do for other peoples. This is in part because of the Jews’ own high expectations and goal of being a “light unto the nations.” This seeming compliment to the Jews can also work against them; for when Israelis do something bad, it often attracts a good deal of attention. In contrast, Americans, as a rule, hold Arabs to a different standard. For example, when Israel expelled four Palestinians, it generated banner headlines, but when Kuwait deported hundreds of thousands, it was a non-news event. Similarly, the death of one Palestinian in the West Bank will get far more coverage than the thousands of Arabs killed in Algeria in recent years. Right or wrong, the attitude of the public and the press is that Jews should behave differently.
We Are Family
There’s no question that Israel enjoys a unique relationship with the United States, one dating back to when Congress endorsed the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine. Harry Truman is generally considered the midwife in the birth of the new state, and U.S. economic, diplomatic, and military support has been crucial to Israel’s survival ever since. Many Americans also feel a kinship to Israelis because of the values we share—democracy, love of freedom, and a commitment to education.
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Sage Sayings
Israel was not created in order to disappear—Israel will endure and flourish. It is the child of hope and home of the brave. It can neither be broken by adversity nor demoralized by success. It carries the shield of democracy and it honors the sword of freedom.
—President John F. Kennedy
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As Israel has grown more powerful, it has also become a strategic ally that enjoys the special status of Major Non-NATO Ally. Haifa is one of the most popular ports of call for the U.S. Navy, American and Israeli troops regularly engage in joint exercises, and some of the most sophisticated weapons and technology in the American arsenal have come from Israel or have been improved by Israeli companies. Israel is sometimes viewed as—and considers itself—an American aircraft carrier in the Middle East because its military power can be used to advance U.S. interests (see Chapter 29). In fact, no U.S. troops are based there, in contrast to countries such as Saudi Arabia, but the parallel security interests of Israel and the United States ensure that the two countries will generally work in concert.
The “Jewish Lobby”
The focus on Israel also is a function of the fact that the largest Jewish population in the world (6.1 million) is in the United States, and the future of Israel greatly concerns American Jews, roughly three quarters of whom say they feel close to Israel. Large numbers of Jews hold significant positions in the media (although they by no means “control” the press as anti-Semites maintain), and the Jewish population is concentrated in major media markets such as New York and Los Angeles, so it is not surprising that Israel is often in the spotlight. Politically, Jews are also disproportionately involved and often advocate policies that strengthen the U.S.–Israel relationship. This can be seen, for example, by the large numbers of Jews in Congress. Because the Jewish population is concentrated in a handful of geographic areas, Jews can sometimes sway the outcome of elections in places such as New York. In addition, the pro-Israel lobby, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), is regarded as the second most-powerful lobby in the country after the American Association for Retired Persons.
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Ask the Sphinx
The 109th Congress has 11 Jewish senators (11 percent) and 26 representatives (6 percent), even though Jews make up less than 3 percent of the U.S. population.
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Myriad other Jewish organizations, with tens of thousands of active members, also promote the alliance. In addition, Christian groups have also frequently weighed in on Israel’s behalf, and several pro-Israel organizations are composed entirely of non-Jews.
Although it receives less publicity, there is also a pro-Arab lobby in the United States that consists of the oil industry, missionaries, and diplomats who served in Arab countries. Approximately 38 percent of the roughly 1.2 million Arab Americans are Lebanese Christians who do not support the lobby. A small minority of Arab Americans, primarily Palestinians (6 percent of all Arab Americans), lobby for their interests, but have historically focused more on trying to weaken the U.S.–Israel relationship than to strengthen ties between Israel and the Arab states. Because of their small numbers, Arab Americans have little political influence, but
they are becoming far more active.
It’s Never Boring
Middle East specialists never have to worry that they will have nothing to write about. The area is in constant ferment, and the Israeli-Palestinian dispute—two peoples fighting over one land—is a particularly compelling story. It is made all the more so by the fact that it is centered in the Holy Land.
American Jews feel a familial connection to Israel, but the fascination with the Middle East extends to non-Jews, too. The biblical connection, the David-versus-Goliath aspect of the conflict, and the huge amounts of money spent by the U.S. government in the region all contribute to the region’s appeal.
The Arabs, the Israelis, and More
This book looks at the history, politics, and religion of one of the most interesting and volatile regions of the world. I’ll take you back to the roots of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam to gain an understanding of their ties to the Middle East and the religious source of many of the conflicts. You’ll return to the heyday of the ancient Jewish kingdoms and the Islamic Empire and discover the causes of their downfalls and learn about the powers that rose in their place.
In modern times, you’ll see how the European powers carved up the region and attempted to use the states they created to advance their own imperial interests. Finally, you’ll see how the Arab and Jewish states emerged and became viable, independent entities, and how their competing interests have created conflict through much of the past century.
Because of the degree of interest in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the limits of time and space, the primary focus is that dispute, which has, rightly or wrongly, dominated the attention of the American press, public, and decision makers, except when U.S. troops are directly involved, as they now are in Iraq. This book also examines some of the other regional conflicts that had little or nothing to do with Israel, such as the Iran-Iraq War, the Egyptian involvement in Yemen, Jordan’s war with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the Lebanese civil war, and the Gulf War.
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