Abdullah has pursued an identical course to that of his father, keeping the peace with Israel (but not expanding relations), maintaining strong ties with the other Arab states, and aggressively cultivating the friendship of the United States.
Lebanon’s Fragile Family
When France took control of Lebanon after World War I, the area differed from the rest of the Arab world because it had a mix of Muslims and Christians, with the latter in the majority. The country adopted a constitution that created a parliament with a president and prime minister. To satisfy the political demands of the two main demographic groups, a compromise was reached whereby the president was always to be a Maronite Christian and the prime minister a Sunni Muslim. As in the other nations during this time, the true ruler remained the mandatory power—in this case, France.
Neither the Muslims nor the Christians were content under French control, and strong sentiment existed for unification with Syria. Whenever unrest threatened the nation’s stability, the French would crack down and restore order.
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Ask the Sphinx
In 1866, the American University of Beirut was founded to offer the finest in American education to the Arab world. It rapidly became one of the premier institutions of higher education in the Middle East, and an occasional lightning rod for anti-American sentiment in Lebanon.
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During World War II, the Arabs sympathized more with the Axis, but were not happy when the Germans overran France and the Vichy regime took control in Lebanon. To encourage support for the Free French who were fighting under Charles de Gaulle, the French offered independence to Lebanon, which they subsequently declared on November 26, 1941. Although France continued to post troops in the country and exercise influence, British and American support for Lebanese emancipation resulted in a gradual erosion of France’s position, culminating in the withdrawal of all their troops at the end of 1946.
Careful with Israel
Although France lost its privileged position, Lebanon remained especially close to the West and was particularly interested in maintaining good relations with the United States. This goal was complicated by American support for the partition of Palestine, which the Lebanese opposed both rhetorically and militarily.
After the establishment of Israel, Lebanon stayed mostly out of the conflict. It continued to express the general Arab hostility and refused to recognize Israel, but Lebanon’s leaders also understood that their country was too weak to risk a confrontation and therefore kept fairly tight control on Palestinian refugees and anyone else who might want to provoke an incident.
Religion and Politics
The key factor in Lebanese politics throughout its short history has been the delicate demographic balance between Muslims and Christians and the internal divisions among the Muslim factions.
In the 1950s and 1960s, Nasser’s pan-Arabism swept the country and radicalized much of the Muslim population, which already was unhappy with having to share power with the Christians. The Muslims were the main proponents of unifying with Syria because that would ensure Muslim dominance of the enlarged entity. Christians opposed the idea, fearing just that outcome.
In 1958, the murder of a prominent opposition newspaper editor provoked widespread violence. Pan-Arabists accused the Christian president and other nationalists of the crime, and soon received backing from the newly formed United Arab Republic. The Lebanese government appealed for help, but found little support until the United States decided to send troops to defend Lebanon’s sovereignty. The Eisenhower administration was less concerned with Lebanon in particular than the broader threat to pro-Western Arab nations posed by pan-Arabists.
The U.S. intervention helped stop the violence, and an agreement was negotiated between Christians and Muslims that involved the controversial President Camille Chamoun stepping down and a new power-sharing arrangement that gave the Muslims greater representation in public offices. The rebels had hoped to move Lebanon away from the West and closer to the rest of the Arab world, but they failed.
A New Imbalance
After the civil war, the Christians and Muslims seemed to come to an understanding that their interests had to be balanced and that the country was too weak to remain independent without Western backing, but also that they could not afford to be isolated in the Arab world. As much as many Muslims wanted Lebanon to be part of the greater Arab world, they also knew that they would lose their individual power if that were to happen. At the same time, an intense political rivalry always remained just below the surface of relations between the factions.
Lebanon Goes to Pieces
The delicate ethnic-political balance in Lebanon began to unravel in the early 1970s. One catalyst was Black September and the influx of Palestinians into Southern Lebanon who quickly re-created the “state within a state” they had lost in Jordan. The intensification of the PLO’s terrorist attacks on Israel further undermined central Lebanese authority. In addition, the Muslim population continued to demand a greater share of power that better reflected their majority status. In general, the Muslims were increasingly dissatisfied with the political arrangement that kept Christians in power.
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Hieroglyphics
The Phalange was the largest and most important Chris-tian-Maronite party in Lebanon. Founded in 1936 by Pierre Gemayel as a vigilante youth movement dedicated to the preservation of a Christian Lebanon, it later developed into a political party with a sophisticated and elaborate organization and a quite complex concept of the Lebanese entity and its problems.
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That arrangement had been based on the 1930s census that counted Christians in the majority in Lebanon. Although no new official count based on a confessional breakdown was allowed, no one doubted a demographic shift had occurred, which was why the Christians were determined to keep using the old census. The Christians were led by Pierre Gemayel, whose Phalange party wanted to maintain the country’s independence and the minority’s political rights.
Christians Versus Muslims and Palestinians
The ethnic, religious, and tribal divisions in Lebanon escalated, and each group accused the other of discrimination, violence, or some slight that provoked a flurry of attacks and counterattacks. The final straw in the feud occurred on April 13, 1975, when a bus carrying a group of Palestinian terrorists was attacked by the Christian Phalangists, who had been at odds with the Palestinians. The cycle of violence quickly escalated to a civil war with Christians fighting the Palestinian and Muslim forces.
Syria Seizes Its Opportunity
Syria had long considered Lebanon to be part of Greater Syria, and President Hafez al-Assad saw the fighting there as an opportunity to move toward the goal of swallowing his neighbor. Initially, the Syrians armed the Muslims and Palestinians, but then attempted to mediate a new agreement that changed some of the rules regarding the division of power between Christians and Muslims in the government. Thinking that the Christians were on the verge of defeat, however, militant Muslim leaders continued their campaign.
In April 1976, Assad ordered Syrian troops into the country. A few months later, thousands more invaded and seized control of most of Lebanon. The Syrians chose not to move farther south than the Litani River for fear that it would provoke Israeli intervention (and Israel had warned Assad against doing so). Retroactively, the Arab League then agreed to create an Arab Deterrent Force to maintain order in Lebanon. Only a handful of soldiers from other countries was deployed, however, and more than 30,000 Syrian troops were essentially given the Arab world’s permission to permanently occupy Lebanon. Experiencing extensive external pressure (especially from the United States and the United Nations) and large internal demonstrations, Syria removed its troops from Lebanon in the spring of 2005.
By the time Syria had pacified the country, Lebanon had been effectively partitioned into three regions. In the center of Lebanon, Christians predominated; in the north, the population was mostly Sunni Muslim;
and in the south, the Palestinians were joined by a concentration of Shia Muslims. Syria controlled the center and northern zones, and the PLO essentially controlled the south.
Christian leaders held out hope of expelling the Syrians and establishing a Christian state in Lebanon. Israel saw these leaders as potential peace partners and provided arms and aid to strengthen their militias. They could not keep the peace, however, and Israel soon found itself under an increasing threat from Palestinian terrorists who infiltrated by land and sea from the northern border, ultimately provoking Israel to send troops into the country to root out terrorists in 1978, and then again to try to destroy the PLO altogether in the war that began in 1982 (see Chapter 18).
Under Syria’s Thumb
Today Lebanon remains trapped in limbo. It is essentially a satellite of Syria, unable to act independently. Syria and Iran continue to arm and finance Hizbollah terrorists, which prevents the country from becoming stable. The problem might be solved if the Lebanese army redeployed to the southern border, as the United States and others have repeatedly suggested, but Syria will not allow it because of Assad’s desire to continue to fight a proxy war against Israel and because of the weakness of the army itself. Syria also prevents any movement toward peace by Lebanon so long as Israel does not resolve the dispute over the Golan Heights.
Meanwhile, the internal politics of the nation have also changed as the (Shi’a) Muslims have become the dominant political force and Christians have become increasingly disenchanted by what they see as their declining influence. A series of Christian protests against Syrian influence in the country were brutally put down and a growing number of Christians remain outside the country, leaving those who stay in an even weaker political position.
In September 2004, Lebanese legislators responded to Syrian pressure and changed the constitution to extend the term of the pro-Syrian president. The UN Security Council demanded that Syria withdraw its 14,000 troops from Lebanon, dismantle the Hizbollah organization, and respect Lebanon’s independence, but Bashar Assad showed no inclination to pull Syrian troops out of the country or relinquish control over its government.
Then, in early 2005, the popular former prime minister of Lebanon, Rafik Hariri, was assassinated. He had resigned a few months earlier because of his opposition to Syrian interference in Lebanon. Syria was widely believed to be behind the killing.
The assassination set off a chain reaction in Lebanon, with large numbers of Lebanese calling for an end to the Syrian occupation, a demand backed by the UN and major powers. Syria’s allies rallied in support of Syria, but pressure inside and outside of Lebanon was building on Syria to withdraw the 15,000 troops it still had in the country. In the spring of 2005, Syria relented and withdrew all its troops, though it was expected to continue to exercise influence in Lebanon through the various factions that it supported. Still, Lebanon had renewed hope for a return to a more democratic form of government and control over its affairs. Lebanon has still not fulfilled the UN demand that it disarm Hizbollah, but if that should happen, it would create conditions for the possible normalization of relations with Israel.
Saudi Arabia: From Arabian Nights to Statehood
Abdul Aziz ibn Saud, a member of the puritanical Muslim Wahhabi sect, conquered central Arabia at the beginning of the twentieth century. Ibn Saud stayed neutral during World War I while his rival in the peninsula, Sherif Hussein, led the Arab revolt against the Turks in alliance with the British. Afterward, Hussein’s forces were dissipated as many were dispatched with his son Faisal to Damascus. He also found that Britain was less supportive than he’d expected, and he soon found himself vulnerable to attack from ibn Saud.
Over the course of two years, between 1924 and 1926, the Wahhabi forces defeated Hussein’s warriors, forced him to abdicate, and proceeded to conquer the principal parts of Arabia. Ibn Saud subsequently tried to move closer to the British—in large measure to protect his kingdom from the possibility of Hussein’s sons, Abdullah and Faisal (who were now rulers themselves of Transjordan and Iraq and British clients), seeking revenge against him. He later signed treaties with the Hashemite brothers.
Oil!
The fortunes of Saudi Arabia changed dramatically when oil was discovered in 1938. Four major American oil companies (Exxon, Chevron, Texaco, and Mobil) ultimately formed a consortium known as the Arabian American Oil Company (Aramco) to conduct oil drilling and refining operations. The American companies were given the rights to develop a petroleum industry, and the Saudis received much-needed money to bolster their economy during the Great Depression.
Initially, the oil operation was strictly a commercial enterprise, with no U.S. government involvement. In fact, the United States did not have any diplomatic representation in the country until World War II. As Nazi Germany began its march through Europe, the economic situation worsened, oil production in Saudi Arabia had to be curtailed, and the major source of income from Muslim pilgrims dried up because few people could travel at that time. Ibn Saud did not view either Japan or Germany as friends and sought help from the United States in the form of a loan to avert the kingdom’s bankruptcy. President Roosevelt agreed to provide a loan to the Saudis through the British. Now the Saudis had cast their lot with the Allies.
After the United States entered the war, it became more urgent to establish bases closer to the European theater, and, in 1943, a secret deal was negotiated to build an air base in Dhahran. Americans also were sent to train the Saudi army. This military relationship grew after the war as the United States began to sell military equipment to the Saudis and provide them with financial aid.
The Saudi relationship with the American government became progressively friendlier, but hit a speed bump over the question of Palestine and the existence of Israel. Like other Arab leaders, ibn Saud was vehemently opposed to the creation of a Jewish state and sought to persuade President Roosevelt not to support the Zionists. In a letter written to the king shortly before he died, Roosevelt was noncommittal, saying only that decisions would be made in consultation with both Jews and Arabs.
Money Starts to Flow
Saudi support of the Palestinian cause helped make Ibn Saud popular in the Arab world, but he did not begin to gain wider influence until the 1950s, when commercial oil production began to reach significant proportions and Saudi Arabia became second only to Iran among oil producers in the Middle East. Moreover, the income generated by oil sales gradually turned the country from an impoverished nation to one of the wealthiest.
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Tut Tut!
Although the Saudis would consistently complain about U.S. support for Israel, the reality is that relations between America’s Arab allies have grown stronger as the U.S.–Israel alliance has been strengthened.
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The country was an absolute monarchy that ruled according to rigid Islamic guidelines. Ibn Saud dealt with opposition within the kingdom the old-fashioned way, by marrying members of the royal family off to rival families. This created a huge family of princes and princesses who all had an interest in the perpetuation of the monarchy.
The Saudis were also especially sensitive to foreign influence and rarely allowed outsiders to visit the country unless they were Muslims on pilgrimage. The only Americans typically permitted into the country were diplomats, military officials, and people with direct business interests in the kingdom. Still, the American military presence at Dhahran would become an irritant as many Saudis objected to the degree of U.S. influence on the kingdom and the presence of infidels on their soil. This antagonism would ultimately spawn the al-Qaida terrorist group under the leadership of Osama bin Laden, the son of a billionaire Saudi businessman.
As discussed earlier, Saudi Arabia was never comfortable with the pan-Arabism of Nasser and did what it could to frustrate his efforts to unite the Arab states. The most dramatic incident was the revelation that King Saud tried to bribe Syria’s security chief in 1958 to carry out a coup to prevent the union with Eg
ypt.
A New King
The tension with Egypt and the other revolutionary Arab governments, combined with growing dissatisfaction with King Saud’s rule, began to shake the monarchy’s hold on the country. The king was accused of mismanagement and incompetence, and the profligate spending of the royal family had become an embarrassment. The king’s health was also declining.
This combination of circumstances led the royal family to decide on a gradual changing of the guard, culminating in the king’s younger brother, Faisal ibn Abdul Aziz, assuming the throne in 1964. Faisal immediately set about modernizing the country, spending the kingdom’s newfound oil revenues to create roads, hospitals, airports, and schools. He also sought to build up the military and began to spend lavish amounts on the most sophisticated weapons he could get, primarily from the United States.
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Ask the Sphinx
Saudi-Egyptian relations soured again after the Israel-Egypt peace treaty of 1979, with the Saudis cutting off aid and severing diplomatic relations. After Sadat’s assassination, the two countries reconciled.
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Saudi Arabia sent 20,000 troops to Jordan to participate in the 1967 war and suspended oil shipments to the United States and Britain. Ties were never broken, however, and the oil began to flow again soon after the war. Also, after the war, Saudi Arabia finally reached an agreement with Egypt over Yemen, and the Saudis pledged money to compensate Egypt for revenue lost from the closing of the Suez Canal during the war. The two countries became closer after Sadat took power and changed Egypt’s orientation away from pan-Arabism and the Soviet Union and toward the West. The Saudis then aided the Egyptian-Syrian war effort in 1973 and declared the oil embargo against the United States, Portugal, and Holland.
The Complete Idiot's Guide to Middle East Conflict Page 44
