[4] καί εἰσιν οἱ σάλιοι κατὰ γοῦν τὴν ἐμὴν γνώμην Ἑλληνικῷ μεθερμηνευθέντες ὀνόματι Κουρῆτες, ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς ἡλικίας οὕτως ὠνομασμένοι παρὰ τοὺς κούρους, ὑπὸ δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἐπὶ τῆς συντόνου κινήσεως. τὸ γὰρ ἐξάλλεσθαί τε καὶ πηδᾶν σαλῖρε ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν λέγεται. ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς αὐτῆς αἰτίας καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας ὀρχηστάς, ἐπεὶ κἀν τούτοις πολὺ τὸ ἅλμα καὶ σκίρτημα ἔνεστι, παράγοντες ἀπὸ τῶν σαλίων τοὔνομα σαλτάτωρας καλοῦσιν.
[4] And, in my opinion at least, the Salii, if the word be translated into Greek, are Curetes, whom, because they are kouroi or “young men,” we call by that name from their age, whereas the Romans call them Salii from their lively motions. For to leap and skip is by them called salire; and for the same reason they call all other dancers saltatores, deriving their name from the Salii, because their dancing also is attended by much leaping and capering.
[5] εἰ δὲ ὀρθῶς ὑπείληφα ταύτην αὐτοῖς τὴν προσηγορίαν ἀποδιδοὺς ἐκ τῶν γιγνομένων ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ὁ βουλόμενος συμβαλεῖ. κινοῦνται γὰρ πρὸς αὐλὸν ἐν ῥυθμῷ τὰς ἐνοπλίους κινήσεις τοτὲ μὲν ὁμοῦ, τοτὲ δὲ [p. 256] παραλλὰξ καὶ πατρίους τινὰς ὕμνους ᾄδουσιν ἅμα ταῖς χορείαις. χορείαν δὲ καὶ κίνησιν ἐνόπλιον καὶ τὸν ἐν ταῖς ἀσπίσιν ἀποτελούμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ἐγχειριδίων ψόφον, εἴ τι δεῖ τοῖς ἀρχαίοις τεκμηριοῦσθαι λόγοις, Κουρῆτες ἦσαν οἱ πρῶτοι καταστησάμενοι. τὸν δὲ περὶ αὐτῶν μῦθον οὐδὲν δέομαι πρὸς εἰδότας ὀλίγου δεῖν πάντας γράφειν.
[5] Whether I have been well advised or not in giving them this appellation, anyone who pleases may gather from their actions. For they execute their movements in arms, keeping time to a flute, sometimes all together, sometimes by turns, and while dancing sing certain traditional hymns. But this dance and exercise performed by armed men and the noise they make by striking their bucklers with their daggers, if we may base any conjectures on the ancient accounts, was originated by the Curetes. I need not mention the legend which is related concerning them, since almost everybody is acquainted with it.
[1] ἐν δὲ ταῖς πέλταις, ἃς οἵ τε σάλιοι φοροῦσι καὶ ἃς ὑπηρέται τινὲς αὐτῶν ἠρτημένας ἀπὸ κανόνων κομίζουσι, πολλαῖς πάνυ οὔσαις μίαν εἶναι λέγουσι διοπετῆ, εὑρεθῆναι δ᾽ αὐτήν φασιν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις τοῖς Νόμα, μηδενὸς ἀνθρώπων εἰσενέγκαντος μηδ᾽ ἐγνωσμένου πρότερον ἐν Ἰταλοῖς τοιούτου σχήματος, ἐξ ὧν ἀμφοτέρων ὑπολαβεῖν Ῥωμαίους θεόπεμπτον εἶναι τὸ ὅπλον.
[71.1] Among the vast number of bucklers which both the Salii themselves bear and some of their servants carry suspended from rods, they say there is one that fell from heaven and was found in the palace of Numa, though no one had brought it thither and no buckler of that shape had ever before been known among the Italians; and that for both these reasons the Romans concluded that this buckler had been sent by the gods.
[2] βουληθέντα δὲ τὸν Νόμαν τιμᾶσθαί τε αὐτὸ φερόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν κρατίστων νέων ἐν ἱεραῖς ἡμέραις ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν καὶ θυσιῶν ἐπετείων τυγχάνειν, δεδοικότα δὲ ἐπιβουλάς τε τὰς ἀπ᾽ ἐχθρῶν καὶ ἀφανισμὸν αὐτοῦ κλοπαῖον, ὅπλα λέγουσι πολλὰ κατασκευάσασθαι τῷ διοπετεῖ παραπλήσια, Μαμορίου τινὸς δημιουργοῦ τὸ ἔργου ἀναδεξαμένου, ὥστε ἄσημον γενέσθαι καὶ δυσδιάγνωστον τοῖς μέλλουσιν ἐπιβουλεύειν τὴν τοῦ θεοπέμπτου φύσιν διὰ τὴν ἀπαράλλακτον τῶν ἀνθρωπείων ἔργων ὁμοιότητα.
[2] They add that Numa, desiring that it should be honoured by being carried through the city on holy days by the most distinguished young men and that annual sacrifices should be offered to it, but at the same time being fearful both of the plot of his enemies and of its disappearance by theft, caused many other bucklers to be made resembling the one which fell from heaven, Mamurius, an artificer, having undertaken the work; so that, as a result of the perfect resemblance of the man-made imitations, the shape of the buckler sent by the gods was rendered inconspicuous and difficult to be distinguished by those who might plot to possess themselves of it.
[3] ἐπιχώριον δὲ Ῥωμαίοις καὶ πάνυ τίμιον ὁ κουρητισμός, ὡς ἐκ πολλῶν μὲν καὶ ἄλλων ἐγὼ συμβάλλομαι, μάλιστα δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὰς πομπὰς τάς τε ἐν ἱπποδρόμῳ καὶ τὰς ἐν τοῖς [p. 257]
[3] This dancing after the manner of the Curetes was a native institution among the Romans and was held in great honour by them, as I gather from many other indications and especially from what takes place in their processions both in the Circus and in the theatres.
[4] θεάτροις γινομένας: ἐν ἁπάσαις γὰρ ταύταις πρόσηβοι κόροι χιτωνίσκους ἐνδεδυκότες ἐκπρεπεῖς κράνη καὶ ξίφη καὶ πάρμας ἔχοντες στοιχηδὸν πορεύονται, καί εἰσιν οὗτοι τῆς πομπῆς ἡγεμόνες καλούμενοι πρὸς αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τῆς παιδιᾶς τῆς ὑπὸ Λυδῶν ἐξευρῆσθαι δοκούσης λυδίωνες, εἰκόνες ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ τῶν σαλίων, ἐπεὶ τῶν γε Κουρητικῶν οὐδὲν ὥσπερ οἱ σάλιοι δρῶσιν οὔτ᾽ ἐν ὕμνοις οὔτ᾽ ἐν ὀρχήσει. χρῆν δὲ τούτους ἐλευθέρους τε εἶναι καὶ αὐθιγενεῖς καὶ ἀμφιθαλεῖς, οἱ δ᾽ εἰσὶν ἐξ ὁποιας2δήποτε τύχης. τί γὰρ δεῖ τὰ πλείω περὶ αὐτῶν γράφειν;
[4] For in all of them young men clad in handsome tunics, with helmets, swords and bucklers, march in file. These are the leaders of the procession and are called by the Romans, from a game of which the Lydians seem to have been the inventors, ludiones; they show merely a certain resemblance, in my opinion, to the Salii, since they do not, like the Salii, do any of the things characteristic of the Curetes, either in their hymns or dancing. And it was necessary that the Salii should be free men and native Romans and that both their fathers and mothers should be living; whereas the others are of any condition whatsoever. But why should I say more about them?
[1] ἡ δὲ ἑβδόμη μοῖρα τῆς ἱερᾶς νομοθεσίας τῷ συστήματι προσετέθη τῶν καλουμένων φετιαλίων. οὗτοι δ᾽ ἂν εἴησαν κατὰ τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν καλούμενοι διάλεκτον εἰρηνοδίκαι. εἰσὶ δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν ἀρίστων οἴκων ἄνδρες ἐπίλεκτοι διὰ παντὸς ἱερώμενοι τοῦ βίου, Νόμα τοῦ βασιλέως πρώτου καὶ τοῦτο Ῥωμαίοις τὸ ἱερὸν ἀρχεῖον καταστησαμένου:
[72.1] The seventh division of his sacred institutions was devoted to the college of the fetiales; these may be called in Greek eirênodikai or “arbiters of peace.” The
y are chosen men, from the best families, and exercise their holy office for life; King Numa was also the first who instituted this holy magistracy among the Romans.
[2] εἰ μέντοι παρὰ τῶν καλουμένων Αἰκικλῶν τὸ παράδειγμα ἔλαβεν ὥσπερ οἴονταί τινες, ἢ παρὰ τῆς Ἀρδεατῶν πόλεως ὡς γράφει Γέλλιος οὐκ ἔχω λέγειν, ἀπόχρη δὲ μοι τοσοῦτο μόνον εἰπεῖν, ὅτι πρὸ τῆς Νόμα ἀρχῆς οὔπω τὸ τῶν εἰρηνοδικῶν σύστημα παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἦν.
[2] But whether he took his example from those called the Aequicoli, according to the opinion of some, or from the city of Ardea, as Gellius writes, I cannot say. It is sufficient for me to state that before Numa’s reign the college of the fetiales did not exist among the Romans.
[3] κατεστήσατο δ᾽ αὐτὸ Νόμας ὅτε Φιδηνάταις ἔμελλε πολεμεῖν λῃστείας καὶ καταδρομὰς τῆς [p. 258] χώρας αὐτοῦ ποιησαμένοις, εἰ βούλοιντο συμβῆναι δίχα πολέμου πρὸς αὐτόν, ὅπερ εἰς ἀνάγκην καταστάντες ἐποίησαν. οἴομαι δ᾽ ἐπειδήπερ οὐκ ἔστιν ἐπιχώριον Ἕλλησι τὸ περὶ τοὺς εἰρηνοδίκας ἀρχεῖον ἀναγκαῖον εἶναί μοι πόσων καὶ πηλίκων ἐστὶ πραγμάτων κύριον διελθεῖν, ἵνα τοῖς ἀγνοοῦσι τὴν Ῥωμαίων εὐσέβειαν, ἣν οἱ τότε ἄνδρες ἐπετήδευον, μὴ παράδοξον εἶναι φανῇ τὸ πάντας αὐτοῖς τὸ κάλλιστον λαβεῖν τοὺς πολέμους τέλος.
[3] It was instituted by Numa when he was upon the point of making war on the people of Fidenae, who had raided and ravaged his territories, in order to see whether they would come to an accommodation with him without war; and that is what they actually did, being constrained by necessity. But since the college of the fetiales is not in use among the Greeks, I think it incumbent on me to relate how many and how great affairs fall under its jurisdiction, to the end that those who are unacquainted with the piety practised by the ares of those times may not be surprised to find that all their wars had the most successful outcome; for it will appear that the origins and motives of them all were most holy, and for this reason especially the gods were propitious to them in the dangers that attended them.
[4] ἁπάντων γὰρ αὐτῶν τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ τὰς ὑποθέσεις εὐσεβεστάτας φανήσονται ποιησάμενοι καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μάλιστα τοὺς θεοὺς ἐσχηκότες ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις εὐμενεῖς. ἅπαντα μὲν οὖν ὅσα ἀνάκειται τούτοις τοῖς εἰρηνοδίκαις ἐπελθεῖν διὰ πλῆθος οὐ ῥᾴδιον, κεφαλαιώδει δ᾽ ὑπογραφῇ δηλῶσαι τοιάδ᾽ ἐστι: φυλάττειν ἵνα μηδένα Ῥωμαῖοι πόλεμον ἐξενέγκωσι κατὰ μηδεμιᾶς ἐνσπόνδου πόλεως ἄδικον, ἀρξάντων δὲ παρασπονδεῖν εἰς αὐτοὺς ἑτέρων πρεσβεύεσθαί τε καὶ τὰ δίκαια πρῶτον αἰτεῖν λόγῳ, ἐὰν δὲ μὴ πείθωνται τοῖς ἀξιουμένοις,
[4] The multitude of duties, to be sure, that fall within the province of these fetiales makes it no easy matter to enumerate them all; but to indicate them by a summary outline, they are as follows: It is their duty to take care that the Romans do not enter upon an unjust war against any city in alliance with them, and if others begin the violation of treaties against them, to go as ambassadors and first make formal demand for justice, and then, if the others refuse to comply with their demands, to sanction war.
[5] τότ᾽ ἐπικυροῦν τὸν πόλεμον. ὁμοίως δὲ κἂν ἀδικεῖσθαί τινες ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἔνσπονδοι λέγοντες τὰ δίκαια αἰτῶσι, τούτους διαγινώσκειν τοὺς ἄνδρας εἴ τι πεπόνθασιν ἔκσπονδον καὶ ἐὰν δόξωσι τὰ: προσήκοντα ἐγκαλεῖν τοὺς ἐνόχους ταῖς αἰτίαις συλλαβόντας ἐκδότους τοῖς ἀδικηθεῖσι παραδιδόναι τά τε περὶ τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς ἀδικήματα δικάζειν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὰς συνθήκας ὅσια φυλάττειν εἰρήνην τε ποιεῖσθαι καὶ [p. 259] γεγενημένην, ἐὰν μὴ κατὰ τοὺς ἱεροὺς δόξῃ πεπρᾶχθαι νόμους, ἀκυροῦν καὶ τὰς τῶν στρατηγῶν παρανομίας, ὅσαι περί τε ὅρκους καὶ σπονδὰς ἐπιτελοῦνται, διαγινώσκοντας ἀφοσιοῦσθαι, περὶ ὧν κατὰ
[5] In like manner, if any people in alliance with the Romans complain of having been injured by them and demand justice, these men are to determine whether they have suffered anything in violation of their alliance; and if they find are complaints well grounded, they are to seize the accused and deliver them up to the injured parties. They are also to take cognizance of the crimes committed against ambassadors, to take care that treaties are religiously observed, to make peace, and if they find that peace has been made otherwise than is prescribed by the holy laws, to set it aside; and to inquire into and expiate the transgressions of the generals in so far as they relate to oaths and treaties, concerning which I shall speak in the proper places.
[6] τοὺς οἰκείους καιροὺς ποιήσομαι τον λόγον. τὰ δὲ περὶ τὰς ἐπικηρυκείας ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν γινόμενα, ὅτε τὴν δόξασαν ἀδικεῖν πόλιν αἰτοῖεν δίκας ῾ἄξιον γὰρ μηδὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἀγνοεῖν κατὰ πολλὴν φροντίδα τῶν ὁσίων καὶ δικαίων γινόμενἀ τοιαῦτα παρέλαβον: εἷς μὲν ἐκ τῶν εἰρηνοδικῶν, ὃν οἱ λοιποὶ προχειρίσαιντο, κεκοσμημένος ἐσθῆτι καὶ φορήμασιν ἱεροῖς, ἵνα διάδηλος ᾖ παρὰ τοὺς ἄλλους, εἰς τὴν τῶν ἀδικούντων παρεγίνετο πόλιν: ἐπιστὰς δὲ τοῖς ὁρίοις τόν τε Δία καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐπεκαλεῖτο θεοὺς μαρτυρόμενος ὅτι δίκας αἰτῶν ἥκει περὶ τῆς Ῥωμαίων πόλεως:
[6] As to the functions they performed in the quality of heralds when they went to any city thought to have injured the Romans (for these things also are worthy of our knowledge, since they were carried out with great regard to both religion and justice), I have received the following account: One of these fetiales, chosen by his colleagues, wearing his sacred robes and insignia to distinguish him from all others, proceeded towards the city whose inhabitants had done the injury; and, stopping at the border, he called upon Jupiter and the rest of the gods to witness that he was come to demand justice on behalf of the Roman State.
[7] ἔπειτα ὀμόσας ὅτι πρὸς ἀδικοῦσαν ἔρχεται πόλιν καὶ ἀρὰς τὰς μεγίστας εἰ ψεύδοιτο ἐπαρασάμενος ἑαυτῷ τε καὶ τῇ Ῥώμῃ, τότ᾽ ἐντὸς ᾔει τῶν ὅρων: ἔπειτα ὅτῳ πρώτῳ περιτύχοι τοῦτον ἐπιμαρτυράμενος, εἴτε τῶν ἀγροίκων εἴτε τῶν πολιτικῶν εἴη, καὶ τὰς αὐτὰς προσθεὶς ἀρὰς πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ᾤχετο, κᾆτα πρὶν εἰς τὴν πόλιν παρελθεῖν τὸν πυλωρὸν ἢ τὸν πρῶτον ἀπαντήσαντα ἐν ταῖς πύλαις τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ἐπιμαρτυράμενος εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν προῄει: ἐκεῖ δὲ καταστὰς τοῖς ἐν τέλει περ
ὶ ὧν ἥκοι διελέγετο πανταχῇ τούς τε ὅρκους καὶ
[7] Thereupon he took an oath that he was going to a city that had done an injury; and having uttered the most dreadful imprecations against himself and Rome, if what he averred was not true, he then entered their borders. Afterwards, he called to witness the first person he met, whether it was one of the countrymen or one of the townspeople, and having repeated the same imprecations, he advanced towards the city. And before he entered it he called to witness in the same manner the gate-keeper or the first person he met at the gates, after which he proceeded to the forum; and taking his stand there, he discussed with the magistrates the reasons for his coming, adding everywhere the same oaths and imprecations.
[8] τὰς ἀρὰς προστιθείς. εἰ μὲν οὖν ὑπέχοιεν τὰς δίκας [p. 260] παραδιδόντες τοὺς ἐν ταῖς αἰτίαις, ἀπῄει τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀπάγων φίλος τε ἤδη γεγονὼς καὶ παρὰ φίλων: εἰ δὲ χρόνον εἰς βουλὴν αἰτήσαιντο δέκα διδους ἡμέρας παρεγίνετο πάλιν καὶ μέχρι τρίτης αἰτήσεως ἀνεδέχετο. διελθουσῶν δὲ τῶν. τριάκοντα ἡμερῶν, εἰ μὴ παρεῖχεν αὐτῷ τὰ δίκαια ἡ πόλις, ἐπικαλεσάμενος τούς τε οὐρανίους καὶ καταχθονίους θεοὺς ἀπῄει, τοσοῦτο μόνον εἰπὼν ὅτι βουλεύσεται περὶ αὐτῶν ἡ Ῥωμαίων πόλις ἐφ᾽ ἡσυχίας.
[8] If, then, they were disposed to offer satisfaction by delivering up the guilty, he departed as a friend taking leave of friends, carrying the prisoners with him. Or, if they desired time to deliberate, he allowed them ten days, after which he returned and waited till they had made this request three times. But after the expiration of the thirty days, if the city still persisted in refusing to grant him justice, he called both the celestial and infernal gods to witness and went away, saying no more than this, that the Roman State would deliberate at its leisure concerning these people.
Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79) Page 468
