[6] σὺ κατηγόρεις, ὦ Φουφέττιε. ἐν ἰσχύι γὰρ ὅπλων κεῖται τὸ τῶν πόλεων κράτος, αὕτη δ᾽ ἐκ πολλῶν σωμάτων γίνεται: ταῖς δὲ μικραῖς καὶ ὀλιγανθρώποις καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἀσθενέσιν οὐκ ἔστιν ἄρχειν ἑτέρων,
[6] For the power of states consists in the force of arms, and this in turn depends upon a multitude of citizens; whereas, for small states that are sparsely populated and for that reason weak it is not possible to rule others, nay, even to rule themselves.
[7] ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἑαυτῶν ἄρχειν. καθόλου δ᾽ ἔγωγε τόθ᾽ ὑπολαμβάνω δεῖν τὰς ἑτέρων διασύρειν πολιτείας καὶ τὴν ἰδίαν ἐπαινεῖν, ὅταν τις ἔχῃ δεῖξαι τὴν μὲν ἑαυτοῦ πόλιν ἐκ τοῦ ταῦτα ἐπιτηδεύειν ἅ φησιν εὐδαίμονα καὶ μεγάλην οὖσαν, τὰς δὲ διαβαλλομένας διὰ τὸ μὴ ταῦτα προαιρεῖσθαι κακοδαιμονούσας. τὰ δ᾽ ἡμέτερα πράγματα οὐχ οὕτως ἔχει, ἀλλ᾽ ἡ μὲν ὑμετέρα πόλις ἀπὸ μείζονος αὐχήματος ἀρχομένη καὶ πλειόνων ἀφορμῶν τυχοῦσα εἰς ἐλάττονα ὄγκον συνῆκται, ἡμεῖς δὲ μικρὰς τὰς πρώτας ἀρχὰς λαβόντες ἐν οὐ πολλῷ χρόνῳ μεγίστην τῶν πλησιοχώρων πόλεων τὴν Ῥώμην πεποιήκαμεν τούτοις τοῖς πολιτεύμασιν ὧν σὺ κατηγόρεις χρώμενοι.
[7] On the whole, I am of the opinion that a man should only then disparage the government of other states and extol his own when he can show that his own, by following the principles he lays down, is grown flourishing and great, and that the states he censures, by not adopting them, are in an unhappy plight. But this is not our situation. On the contrary, your city, beginning with greater brilliance and enjoying greater resources than ours, has shrunk to lesser importance, while we, from small beginnings at first, have in a short time made Rome greater than all the neighbouring cities by following the very policies you condemned.
[8] τὸ δὲ στασιάζον ἡμῶν, ἐπεὶ καὶ τοῦτο δι᾽ αἰτίας εἶχες, ὦ Φουφέττιε, οὐκ ἐπὶ διαφθορᾷ καὶ ἐλαττώσει τῶν κοινῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ καὶ αὐξήσει γίνεται. φιλοτιμούμεθα γὰρ οἱ νεώτεροι πρὸς τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους καὶ οἱ ἔποικοι πρὸς τοὺς ἐπικαλεσαμένους, πότεροι πλείονα ποιήσομεν τὸ κοινὸν ἀγαθά.
[8] And as for our factional strife — since this also, Fufetius, met with your censure — it tends, not to destroy and diminish the commonwealth, but to preserve and enhance it. For there is emulation between our youths and our older men and between the newcomers and those who invited them in, to see which of us shall do more for the common welfare.
[9] ἵνα δὲ συντεμὼν εἴπω τοῖς μέλλουσιν ἑτέρων ἄρξειν δύο προσεῖναι δεῖ ταῦτα, [p. 292] τὴν ἐν τῷ πολεμεῖν ἰσχὺν καὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ βουλεύσθαι φρόνησιν, ἃ περὶ ἡμᾶς ἐστιν ἀμφότερα: καὶ ὅτι οὐ κενὸς ὁ κόμπος ἡ παντὸς λόγου κρείττων πεῖρα ἡμῖν μαρτυρεῖ. τοσαύτην γοῦν μεγέθει καὶ δυνάμει πόλιν οὐχ οἷόν τε ἦν γενέσθαι τρίτῃ γενεᾷ μετὰ τὸν οἰκισμόν, εἰ μὴ τό τε ἀνδρεῖον ἐπερίττευεν αὐτῇ καὶ τὸ φρόνιμον. ἱκαναὶ δὲ τεκμηριῶσαι τὸ κράτος αὐτῆς πολλαὶ πόλεις ἐκ τοῦ Λατίνων οὖσαι γένους καὶ τὴν κτίσιν ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν ἔχουσαι, αἳ τὴν ὑμετέραν ὑπεριδοῦσαι πόλιν ἡμῖν προσκεχωρήκασι καὶ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἄρχεσθαι μᾶλλον ἀξιοῦσιν ἢ ὑπ᾽ Ἀλβανῶν, ὡς ἡμῶν μὲν ἀμφότερα ἱκανῶν ὄντων τούς τε φίλους εὖ ποιεῖν καὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς κακῶς, ὑμῶν δ᾽ οὐδέτερα.
[9] In short, those who are going to rule others ought to be endowed with these two qualities, strength in war and prudence in counsel, both of which are present in our case. And that this is no empty boast, experience, more powerful than any argument, bears us witness. It is certain in any case that the city could not have attained to such greatness and power in the third generation after its founding, had not both valour and prudence abounded in it. Suffer proof of its strength is afforded by the behaviour of many cities of the Latin race which owe their founding to you, but which, nevertheless, scorning your city, have come over us, choosing rather to be ruled by the Romans than by the Albans, because they look upon us as capable of doing both good to our friends and harm to our enemies, and upon you as capable of neither.
[10] πολλὰ εἶχον ἔτι καὶ ἰσχυρά, ὦ Φουφέττιε, πρὸς τὰς δικαιώσεις, ἃς σὺ παρέσχου, λέγειν: μάταιον δὲ ὁρῶν τὸν λόγον καὶ ἐν ἴσῳ τὰ πολλὰ τοῖς ὀλίγοις λεχθησόμενα πρὸς ἀντιπάλους ὄντας ὑμᾶς τοῦ δικαίου κριτὰς παύομαι λέγων. ἕνα δὲ ὑπολαμβάνων κράτιστον εἶναι καὶ μόνον ἡμῶν τὰ νείκη δύνασθαι διακρῖναι τρόπον, ᾧ πολλοὶ βάρβαροί τε καὶ Ἕλληνες εἰς ἔχθη καταστάντες οἱ μὲν ὑπὲρ ἡγεμονίας, οἱ δὲ ὑπὲρ ἀμφισβητησίμου γῆς ἐχρήσαντο, τοῦτον εἰπὼν ἔτι παύσομαι:
[10] I had many other arguments, and valid ones, Fufetius, to advance against the claims which you have presented; but as I see that argument is futile and that the result will be the same whether I say much or little to you, who, though our adversaries, are at the same time the arbiters of justice, I will make an end of speaking. However, since I conceive that there is but one way of deciding our differences which is the best and has been made use of by many, both barbarians and Greeks, when hatred has arisen between them either over the supremacy or over some territory in dispute, I shall propose this and then conclude.
[11] εἰ ποιησαίμεθα μέρει τινὶ τῆς ἑαυτῶν στρατιᾶς ἑκάτεροι τὸν ἀγῶνα εἰς ὀλιγοστόν τι πλῆθος ἀνδρῶν συναγαγόντες τὴν τοῦ πολέμου [p. 293] τύχην: ἐξ ὁποτέρας δ᾽ ἂν πόλεως οἱ κρατήσαντες τῶν ἀντιπάλων γένωνται, ταύτῃ συγχωρήσαιμεν ἄρχειν τῆς ἑτέρας. ὁπόσα γὰρ μὴ διαιρεῖται ὑπὸ λόγου, ταῦτα ὑπὸ τῶν ὅπλων κρίνεται.
[11] Let each of us fight the battle with some part of our forces and limit the fortune of war to a very small number of combatants; and let us give to that city whose champions shall overcome their adversaries the supremacy over the other. For such contests as cannot be determined by arguments are decided by arms.”
[1] τὰ μὲν δὴ λεχθέντα περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας τῶν πόλεων δικαιώματα ὑπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων τῶν στρατηγῶν τοιάδε ἦν: τέλος δὲ τοῖς λόγοις αὐτῶν ἠκολούθησεν οἷον ὁ Ῥωμαῖος ὑπετίθετο. οἱ γὰρ ἐν τῷ συλλόγῳ παρόντες Ἀλβανῶν τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων ταχεῖαν ἀπαλλαγὴν τοῦ πολέμου ποιήσασθαι ζητοῦντες ὅπλοις τὸ νεῖκος ἔγνωσαν διελεῖν. συγχωρηθέντος δὲ καὶ τούτου περὶ τ
οῦ πλήθους τῶν ἀγωνιουμένων ζήτησις ἐγίνετο οὐ τὴν αὐτὴν ἑκατέρου τῶν στρατηγῶν διάνοιαν ἀποδεικνυμένου.
[12.1] These were the reasons urged by the two generals to support the pretensions of their respective cities to the supremacy; and the outcome of the discussion was the adoption of the plan Tullius proposed. For both the Albans and Romans who were present at the conference, in their desire to put a speedy end to the war, resolved to decide the controversy by arms. This also being agreed to, the question arose concerning the number of the combatants, since the two generals were not of the same mind.
[2] Τύλλος μὲν γὰρ ἐβούλετο ἐν ἐλαχίστοις σώμασι γενέσθαι τὴν τοῦ πολέμου κρίσιν ἑνὸς Ἀλβανοῦ τοῦ λαμπροτάτου πρὸς ἕνα Ῥωμαῖον τὸν ἄριστον μονομαχήσοντος καὶ πρόθυμος ἦν αὐτὸς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ πατρίδος ἀγωνίσασθαι προκαλούμενος εἰς τὴν ὁμοίαν φιλοτιμίαν τὸν Ἀλβανόν, καλοὺς ἀποφαίνων τοῖς ἀνειληφόσι τὰς τῶν στρατοπέδων ἡγεμονίας τοὺς ὑπὲρ ἀρχῆς καὶ δυναστείας ἀγῶνας, οὐ μόνον ἐὰν νικήσωσιν ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας, ἀλλὰ κἂν αὐτοὶ κρατηθῶσιν ὑπ᾽ ἀγαθῶν, καὶ διεξιὼν ὅσοι στρατηγοὶ καὶ βασιλεῖς τὰς ἑαυτῶν ψυχὰς προκινδυνεῦσαι τῶν κοινῶν παρέσχον δεινὸν ἡγούμενοι τῶν μὲν τιμῶν πλέον αὐτοὶ φέρεσθαι, τῶν δὲ πόνων ἔλαττον.
[2] For Tullius desired that the fate of the war might be decided by the smallest possible number of combatants, the most distinguished man among the Albans fighting the bravest of the Romans in single combat, and he cheerfully offered himself to fight for his own country, inviting the Alban leader to emulate him. He pointed out that for those who have assumed the command of armies combats for sovereignty and power are glorious, not only when they conquer brave men, but also when they are conquered by the brave; and he enumerated all the generals and kings who had risked their lives for their country, regarding it as a reproach to them to have a greater share of the honours than others but a smaller share of the dangers.
[3] ὁ δὲ Ἀλβανὸς τὸ μὲν ὀλίγοις σώμασι [p. 294] κινδυνεύειν τὰς πόλεις ὀρθῶς ἐνόμιζεν εἰρῆσθαι, περὶ δὲ τῆς ἑνὶ πρὸς ἕνα μάχης διεφέρετο λέγων ὅτι τοῖς μὲν ἡγουμένοις τῶν στρατοπέδων ὅταν ἰδίαν κατασκευάζωνται δυναστείαν καλὸς καὶ ἀναγκαῖός ἐστιν ὁ περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀγών, ταῖς δὲ πόλεσιν αὐταῖς ἐπειδὰν ὑπὲρ τῶν πρωτείων διαφέρωνται πρὸς ἀλλήλας οὐ μόνον σφαλερὸς ἀλλὰ καὶ αἰσχρὸς ὁ διὰ μονομαχίας κίνδυνος, ἐάν τε τῆς κρείττονος λάβωνται τύχης ἐάν τε τῆς χείρονος.
[3] The Alban, however, while approving of the proposal to commit the fate of the cities to a few champions, would not agree to decide it by single combat. He owned that when commanders of the armies were seeking to establish their own power a combat between them for the supremacy was noble and necessary, but when states themselves were contending for the first place he thought the risk of single combat not only hazardous but even dishonourable, whether they met with good or ill fortune.
[4] τρεῖς δὲ ἄνδρας ἐπιλέκτους ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρας πόλεως συνεβούλευεν ὑπὸ τὴν ἁπάντων ὄψιν Ἀλβανῶν τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων διαγωνίσασθαι. ἐπιτηδειότατον γὰρ εἶναι τόνδε τὸν ἀριθμὸν εἰς ἅπασαν ἀμφισβητουμένου πράγματος διαίρεσιν ἀρχήν τε καὶ μέσα καὶ τελευτὴν ἔχοντα ἐν ἑαυτῷ. ταύτῃ προσθεμένων τῇ γνώμῃ Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Ἀλβανῶν ὅ τε σύλλογος διελύθη καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἰδίους ἀπῄεσαν ἑκάτεροι χάρακας.
[4] And he proposed that three chosen men from each city should fight in the presence of all the Albans and Romans, declaring that this was the most suitable number for deciding any matter in controversy, as containing in itself a beginning, a middle and an end. This proposal meeting with the approval of both Romans and Albans, the conference broke up and each side returned to its own camp.
[1] ἔπειτα καλέσαντες εἰς ἐκκλησίαν τὰς δυνάμεις ἀμφοτέρας οἱ στρατηγοὶ διεξῆλθον ἅ τε διελέχθησαν αὐτοὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ ἐφ᾽ οἷς συνέθεντο καταλύσασθαι τὸν πόλεμον. ἐπικυρωσάντων δὲ τῶν στρατευμάτων ἀμφοτέρων κατὰ πολλὴν εὐδόκησιν τὰς τῶν στρατηγῶν ὁμολογίας, θαυμαστὴ μετὰ τοῦτο κατεῖχε φιλοτιμία καὶ λοχαγοὺς καὶ στρατιώτας πολλῶν πάνυ προθυμουμένων ἐξενέγκασθαι τὰ τῆς μάχης ἀριστεῖα καὶ οὐ λόγῳ σπουδαζόντων μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἔργῳ φιλοτιμίας ἀποδεικνυμένων, ὥστε χαλεπὴν [p. 295] γενέσθαι τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν αὐτῶν τὴν τῶν ἐπιτηδειοτάτων διάγνωσιν.
[13.1] After this the generals assembled their respective armies and gave them an account both of what they had said to each other and of the terms upon which they had agreed to put an end to the war. And both armies having with great approbation ratified the agreement entered into by their generals, there arose a wonderful emulation among the officers and soldiers alike, since a great many were eager to carry off the prize of valour in the combat and expressed their emulation not only by their words but also by their actions, so that their leaders found great difficulty in selecting the most suitable champions.
[2] εἰ γάρ τις ἦν ἢ πατέρων ἐπιφανείᾳ λαμπρὸς ἢ σώματος ῥώμῃ διαπρεπὴς ἢ πράξει τῇ κατὰ χεῖρα γενναῖος ἢ κατ᾽ ἄλλην τινὰ τύχην ἢ τόλμαν ἐπίσημος ἑαυτὸν ἠξίου τάττειν πρῶτον ἐν τοῖς τρισί.
[2] For if anyone was renowned for his illustrious ancestry or remarkable for his strength of body, famous for some brave deed in action, or distinguished by some other good fortune or bold achievement, he insisted upon being chosen first among the three champions.
[3] ταύτην ἐπὶ πολὺ χωροῦσαν ἐν ἀμφοτέροις τοῖς στρατεύμασι τὴν φιλοτιμίαν ὁ τῶν Ἀλβανῶν ἔπαυσε στρατηγὸς ἐνθυμηθείς, ὅτι θεία τις πρόνοια ἐκ πολλοῦ προορωμένη τὸν μέλλοντα συμβήσεσθαι ταῖς πόλεσιν ἀγῶνα τοὺς προκινδυνεύσοντας ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν κατεσκεύασε γενέσθαι οἴκων τε οὐκ ἀφανῶν καὶ τὰ πολέμια ἀγαθοὺς ὀφθῆναί τε καλλίστους καὶ οὐ γενέσεως ὁμοίας τοῖς πολλοῖς μετειληφότας, ἀλλὰ σπανίου καὶ θαυμαστῆς διὰ τὸ παράδοξον.
[3] This emulation, which was running to great lengths in both armies, was checked by the Alban general, who called to mind that some divine providence, long since foreseeing this conflict between the two cities, had arranged that their future champions should be sprung of no obscure families and should be brave in arms, most comely in appearance, and distinguished from the generality of mankind by th
eir birth, which should be unusual and wonderful because of its extraordinary nature.
[4] Ὁρατίῳ γάρ τινι Ῥωμαίῳ καὶ Κορατίῳ τὸ γένος Ἀλβανῷ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἐνεγγύησε θυγατέρας διδύμους Σικίνιος Ἀλβανός. τούτοις ἀμφοτέροις αἱ γυναῖκες ἐγκύμονες ἅμα γενόμεναι, τὰς πρωτοτόκους ἐκφέρουσι γονὰς ἄρρενα βρέφη τρίδυμα, καὶ αὐτὰ ἃ οἱ γεινάμενοι πρὸς οἰωνοῦ λαβόντες ἀγαθοῦ καὶ πόλει καὶ οἴκῳ τῷ σφετέρῳ τρέφουσιν ἅπαντα καὶ τελειοῦσιν: θεὸς δ᾽ αὐτοῖς, ὥσπερ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἔφην, δίδωσι κάλλος τε καὶ ῥώμην καὶ δὴ καὶ ψυχῆς γενναιότητα μηδενὸς τῶν ἄριστα πεφυκότων χείροσι γενέσθαι. τούτοις ἔγνω τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ὁ Φουφέττιος ἐπιτρέπειν τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἀγῶνα [p. 296] καὶ προκαλεσάμενος εἰς λόγους τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Ῥωμαίων λέγει πρὸς αὐτόν:
[4] It seems that Sicinius, an Alban, had at one and the same time married his twin daughters to Horatius, a Roman, and to Curiatius, an Alban; and the two wives came with child at the same time and each was brought to bed, at her first lying-in, of three male children. The parents, looking upon the event as a happy omen both to their cities and families, brought up all these children till they arrived at manhood. And Heaven, as I said in the beginning, gave them beauty and strength and nobility of mind, so that they were not inferior to any of those most highly endowed by Nature. It was to these men that Fufetius resolved to commit the combat for supremacy; and having invited the Roman king to a conference, he addressed him as follows:
Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79) Page 475
