[60.1] Larcius, being aware of this beforehand, ordered those who asked for a truce to lay down their arms and open their gates first, and then to treat with him. Otherwise, he told them, they would get neither peace nor a truce nor any other humane or moderate treatment from Rome. He also, by stationing more diligent guards along all the roads leading to the city, took care that the ambassadors sent to the Latin nation should not get back inside the walls. Consequently the besieged, despairing of the hoped for assistance from their allies, were compelled to have recourse to supplicating their enemies. And meeting in assembly, they decided to submit to such conditions of peace as the conqueror prescribed.
[2] ἐφ᾽ οἷς ὁ κρατῶν ἠξίου. οὕτως δ᾽ ἄρα πολιτικὰ ἦν τὰ τῶν τότε ἡγεμόνων ἤθη καὶ πλεῖστον ἀπέχοντα τυραννικῆς αὐθαδείας, ἣν σπάνιοί τινες τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἡγεμόνων ἴσχυσαν ἐξουσίας ἐπαρθέντες μεγέθει διαφυγεῖν, ὥστε παραλαβὼν τὴν πόλιν ὁ ὕπατος οὐθὲν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γνώμης ἔπραξεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀποθέσθαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους κελεύσας τὰ ὅπλα καὶ φρουρὰν ἐπὶ τὴν ἄκραν καταλιπὼν αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἀπῄει, καὶ συναγαγὼν τὸ συνέδριον ἀπέδωκεν αὐτοῖς σκοπεῖν,
[2] But the commanders at that time, it seems, were in their whole behaviour so obedient to the civil power and so far removed from tyrannical presumption (which only a few of the commanders in our days, elated by the greatness of their power, have been able to avoid), that the consul, after taking over the city, did nothing on his own responsibility, but ordering the inhabitants to lay down their arms and leaving a garrison in the citadel, went himself to Rome, and assembling the senate, left it to them to consider how those who had surrendered themselves ought to be treated.
[3] τίνα χρηστέον τοῖς παραδοῦσιν ἑαυτοὺς τρόπον. ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἀγασθέντες τὸν ἄνδρα τῆς πρὸς αὐτοὺς τιμῆς οἱ σύνεδροι τοὺς μὲν ἐπιφανεστάτους Φιδηναίων καὶ τῆς [p. 230] ἀποστάσεως ἄρξαντας ἐδικαίωσαν, οὓς ἂν ὁ ὕπατος ἀποφήνῃ ῥάβδοις μαστιγωθέντας ἀποκοπῆναι τὰς κεφαλάς: περὶ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐποίησαν ἅπαντα πράττειν, ὅσα προῃρεῖτο.
[3] Thereupon the senators, admiring him for the honour he had shown them, decided that the most prominent of the Fidenates and those who had been the authors of the revolt — these to be named by the consul — should be scourged with rods and beheaded; but concerning the rest, they gave him authority to do everything he thought fit.
[4] γενόμενος δ᾽ ὁ Λάρκιος ἁπάντων κύριος ὀλίγους μέν τινας τῶν Φιδηναίων κατηγορηθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν τἀναντία φρονούντων ἐν τοῖς ἁπάντων ὀφθαλμοῖς ἀπέκτεινε καὶ τὰς οὐσίας αὐτῶν ἐδήμευσε, τοῖς δ᾽ ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἀπέδωκε τήν τε πόλιν ἔχειν καὶ τὰ χρήματα, τῆς δὲ γῆς αὐτῶν ἀπετέμετο τὴν ἡμίσειαν, ἣν ἐκληρούχησαν οἱ καταλειφθέντες ἐν τῇ πόλει Ῥωμαίων φρουροὶ τῆς ἄκρας. ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ἀπῆγεν ἐπ᾽ οἴκου τὴν στρατιάν.
[4] Larcius, having thus been given full power in all matters, ordered some few of the Fidenates, who were accused by those of the opposite party, to be put to death before the eyes of all and confiscated their fortunes; but all the others he permitted to retain both their city and their goods. Nevertheless, he took from them one half of their territory, which was divided by lot among those Romans who were left in the city as a garrison for the citadel. Having settled these matters, he returned home with his army.
[1] ὡς δ᾽ ἀπηγγέλθη τοῖς Λατίνοις ἡ τῆς Φιδήνης ἅλωσις, ὀρθὴ καὶ περίφοβος πᾶσα πόλις ἦν, καὶ τοῖς προεστηκόσι τῶν κοινῶν ἅπαντες ἐχαλέπαινον ὡς προδεδωκόσι τοὺς συμμάχους. συναχθείσης δ᾽ ἀγορᾶς ἐν Φερεντίνῳ πολλὴν ἐποιοῦντο τῶν ἀποσπευδόντων τὸν πόλεμον κατηγορίαν οἱ τὰ ὅπλα πείθοντες αὐτοὺς ἀναλαβεῖν, μάλιστα δὲ Ταρκύνιός τε καὶ ὁ κηδεστὴς αὐτοῦ Μαμίλιος καὶ οἱ προεστηκότες τῆς Ἀρικηνῶν πόλεως.
[61.1] When the Latins heard of the capture of Fidenae, every city was in a state of the utmost excitement and fear, and all the citizens were angry with those who were at the head of federal affairs, accusing them of having betrayed their allies. And a general assembly being held at Ferentinum, those who urged a recourse to arms, particularly Tarquinius and his son-in-law Mamilius, together with the heads of the Arician state, inveighed bitterly against those who opposed the war;
[2] ὑφ᾽ ὧν ἐκδημαγωγηθέντες, ὅσοι τοῦ Λατίνων μετεῖχον γένους, κοινῇ τὸν κατὰ Ῥωμαίων ἀναιροῦνται πόλεμον: καὶ ἵνα πόλις μηδεμία μήτε προδῷ τὸ κοινὸν μήτε προκαταλύσηται τὴν ἔχθραν [p. 231] ἄνευ τῆς ἁπάντων γνώμης ὅρκους ἔδοσαν ἀλλήλοις, καὶ τοὺς μὴ φυλάξοντας τὰς ὁμολογίας ἐκσπόνδους εἶναι καὶ καταράτους ἐψηφίσαντο καὶ πολεμίους ἁπάντων.
[2] and by their harangues all the deputies of the Latin nation were persuaded to undertake the war jointly against the Romans. And to the end that no city might either betray the common cause or be reconciled to the Romans without the consent of all, they swore oaths to one another and voted that those who violated this agreement should be excluded from their alliance, be accursed and regarded as the enemies of all.
[3] οἱ δ᾽ ἐγγραψάμενοι ταῖς συνθήκαις ταῦτα πρόβουλοι καὶ τοὺς ὅρκους ὀμόσαντες ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν πόλεων ἦσαν ἄνδρες, Ἀρδεατῶν, Ἀρικηνῶν, Βοϊλλανῶν, Βουβεντανῶν, Κόρνων, Καρυεντανῶν, Κιρκαιητῶν, Κοριολανῶν, Κορβιντῶν, Καβανῶν, Φορτινείων, Γαβίων, Λαυρεντίνων, Λανουινίων, Λαβινιατῶν, Λαβικανῶν, Νωμεντανῶν, Νωρβανῶν, Πραινεστίνων, Πεδανῶν, Κορκοτουλανῶν, Σατρικανῶν, Σκαπτηνίων, Σητίνων, Τιβουρτίνων, Τυσκλανῶν, Τοληρίνων, Τελληνίων, Οὐελιτρανῶν: ἐκ τούτων ἁπασῶν τῶν πόλεων τοὺς ἐν ἀκμῇ συστρατεύειν ὅσων ἂν δέῃ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν Ὀκταουΐῳ Μαμιλίῳ καὶ Σέξτῳ Ταρκυνίῳ: τούτους γὰρ ἀπέδειξαν στρατηγοὺς αὐτοκράτορας.
[3] The deputies who subscribed to the treaty and swore to its observance were from the following cities: Ardea, Aricia, Bovillae, Bubentum, Cora, Carventum, Circeii, Corioli, Corbio, Cabum, Fortinea, Gabii, Laurentum, Lanuvium, Lavinium, Labici, Nomentum, Norba, Praeneste, Pedum, Querquetula, Satricum, Scaptia, Setia, Tibur, Tusculum, Tolerium, Tellenae, Velitrae. They voted that as many men of military age from all these cities should take part in the campaign as their commanders, Octavius Mamilius and Sextus Tarquinius, should require; for they had appointed these to be their generals with absolute power.
[4] ἵνα δ᾽ εὐπρεπεῖς δόξωσι ποιεῖσθαι τὰς το�
�� πολέμου προφάσεις, πρεσβευτὰς ἐξ ἑκάστης πόλεως τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους [p. 232] εἰς Ῥώμην ἀπέστειλαν, οἳ καταστάντες ἐπὶ τὴν βουλὴν ἔλεγον κατηγορεῖσθαι τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν ὑπὸ τῆς πόλεως τῶν Ἀρικηνῶν, ὅτι πόλεμον ἐπιφερόντων Τυρρηνῶν Ἀρικηνοῖς οὐ μόνον ἀσφαλεῖς παρέσχον αὐτοῖς διὰ τῆς ἑαυτῶν χώρας τὰς διόδους, ἀλλὰ καὶ συνέπραξαν ὅσων αὐτοῖς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἔδει, καὶ τοὺς φυγόντας ἐκ τῆς τροπῆς ὑποδεξάμενοι τραυματίας καὶ ἀνόπλους ἅπαντας ὄντας ἔσωσαν, οὐκ ἀγνοοῦντες, ὅτι κοινὸν ἐπῆγον ἅπασι τοῖς ὁμοεθνέσι πόλεμον, καὶ εἰ τὴν Ἀρικηνῶν πόλιν ὑποχείριον ἔλαβον, οὐδὲν ἂν ἦν τὸ κωλῦσον αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰς ἄλλας καταδουλώσασθαι πόλεις ἁπάσας.
[4] And in order that the grounds they offered for the war might appear plausible, they sent the most prominent men from every city to Rome as ambassadors. These, upon being introduced to the senate, said that the Arician state preferred the following charges against the Roman state: When the Tyrrhenians had made war upon the Aricians, the Romans had not only granted them a safe passage through their territory, but had also assisted them with everything they required for the war, and having received such of the Tyrrhenians as fled from the defeat, they had saved them when they all were wounded and without arms, though they could not be ignorant that they were making war against the whole nation in common, and that if they had once made themselves masters of the city of Aricia nothing could have hindered them from enslaving all the other cities as well.
[5] εἰ μὲν οὖν βουλήσονται δίκας Ἀρικηνοῖς ὑπέχειν ἐπὶ τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Λατίνων ἀφικόμενοι δικαστήριον καὶ στέρξουσι τοῖς ὑπὸ πάντων δικασθησομένοις, οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ἔφασαν δεήσειν πολέμου: εἰ δὲ τὴν συνήθη φυλάξαντες αὐθάδειαν, οὐδὲν ἀξιώσουσι συγχωρεῖν τοῖς συγγενέσι τῶν δικαίων καὶ μετρίων, ἠπείλουν πολεμήσειν αὐτοῖς Λατίνους ἅπαντας ἀνὰ κράτος.
[5] If, therefore, the Romans would consent to appear before the general tribunal of the Latins and answer there the accusations brought against them by the Aricians, and would abide by the decision of all the members, they said the Romans would not need to have a war; but if they persisted in their usual arrogance and refused to make any just and reasonable concessions to their kinsmen, they threatened that all the Latins would make war upon them with all their might.
[1] ταῦτα προκαλουμένων τῶν πρεσβευτῶν οὐκ ἀξιοῦσα δίκην ὑποσχεῖν Ἀρικηνοῖς ἡ βουλή, περὶ ὧν οἱ κατηγοροῦντες ἔμελλον γίνεσθαι κριταί, καὶ οὐδὲ μέχρι τούτων κριτὰς ἔσεσθαι ὑπολαμβάνουσα τοὺς ἐχθρούς, ἀλλὰ προσθήσειν ἔτι βαρύτερα τούτων ἐπιτάγματα, δέχεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον ἐψηφίσαντο. τῆς μὲν οὖν ἀρετῆς ἕνεκα καὶ τῆς ἐμπειρίας τῶν ἀγώνων οὐδεμίαν [p. 233] ὑπελάμβανον καταλήψεσθαι τὴν πόλιν συμφοράν, τὸ δὲ πλῆθος ὠρρώδει τῶν πολεμίων: καὶ πολλαχῇ διαπέμπουσα πρέσβεις παρεκάλει τὰς πλησιοχώρους πόλεις ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν, ἀντιπρεσβευομένων εἰς τὰς αὐτὰς καὶ τῶν Λατίνων καὶ πολλὰ τῆς Ῥώμης κατηγορούντων.
[62.1] This was the proposal made by the ambassadors; but the senate was unwilling to plead its cause with the Aricians in a controversy in which their accusers would be the judges, and they did not imagine that their enemies would even confine their judgment to these charges alone, but would add other demands still more grievous than these; and accordingly they voted to accept war. So far, indeed, as bravery and experience in warfare were concerned, they did not suppose any misfortune would befall the commonwealth, but the multitude of their enemies alarmed them; and sending ambassadors in many directions, they invited the neighbouring cities to an alliance, while the Latins in their turn sent counter-embassies to the same cities and bitterly assailed Rome.
[2] Ἕρνικες μὲν οὖν κοινῇ συνελθόντες ὕποπτα καὶ οὐδὲν ὑγιὲς ἀμφοτέραις ταῖς πρεσβείαις ἀπεκρίναντο, συμμαχήσειν μὲν οὐδετέροις λέγοντες κατὰ τὸ παρόν, βουλεύσεσθαι δ᾽ ὁπότεροι δικαιότερα ἀξιοῦσι κατὰ σχολήν, τῇ δὲ βουλῇ χρόνον ἐνιαύσιον ἀποδώσειν.
[2] The Hernicans, meeting together, gave suspicious and insincere answers to both embassies, saying that they would not for the present enter into an alliance with either, but would consider at leisure which of the two nations made the juster claims, and that they would give a year’s time to that consideration.
[3] Ῥότολοι δὲ Λατίνοις μὲν ἐπικουρίαν πέμψειν ἄντικρυς ὑπέσχοντο, Ῥωμαίοις δ᾽ ἐὰν βουληθῶσι καταλύσασθαι τὴν ἔχθραν, διὰ σφῶν μετριωτέρους παρέξειν Λατίνους ἔφασαν καὶ τὰς συμβάσεις αὐτοῖς διαιτήσειν. Οὐολοῦσκοι δὲ καὶ θαυμάζειν ἔλεγον τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀναισχυντίας, ὅτι συνειδότες ἑαυτοῖς, ὅτι τά τ᾽ ἄλλα ἠδικηκότες ἦσαν αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰ τελευταῖα ὡς τῆς χώρας τὴν κρατίστην αὐτοὺς ἀφελόμενοι κατεῖχον, οὐδὲν ἧσσον ἐτόλμησαν ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν ἐχθροὺς ὄντας σφᾶς παρακαλεῖν, συνεβούλευόν τ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀποδοῦσι τὴν χώραν τότε παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ὡς φίλων ἀπαιτεῖν τὰ δίκαια. Τυρρηνοὶ δ᾽ ἀμφοτέροις ἐμποδῶν ἐγίνοντο, Ῥωμαίοις μὲν σπονδὰς γεγονέναι λέγοντες οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ, πρὸς δὲ Ταρκυνίους συγγένειαν εἶναι σφίσι καὶ φιλίαν. [p. 234]
[3] The Rutulians openly promised the Latins that they would send them assistance, and assured the Romans that, if they would consent to give up their enmity, they through their influence would cause the Latins to moderate their demands and would mediate a peace between them. The Volscians said they even wondered at the shamelessness of the Romans, who, though conscious of the many injuries they had done them, and particularly of the latest, in taking from them the best part of their territory and retaining it, had nevertheless had the effrontery to invite them, who were their enemies, to an alliance; and they advised them first to restore their lands and then to ask satisfaction from them as from friends. The Tyrrhenians put obstacles in the way of both sides by alleging that they had lately made a treaty with the Romans and that they had ties of kinship and friendship with the Tarquinii.
[4] τοιαῦτα τούτων ἀποκριναμένων οὐθὲν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι ταπεινωθέντες, ὃ παθεῖν εἰκὸς ἦν τοὺς μέγαν τε πόλεμον αἰρομένους καὶ πάσας ἀπεγνωκότας τὰς συμμαχικὰς ἐλπίδας, ἀλλὰ ταῖς οἰκείαις δυνάμεσι πιστεύοντες μόναις πολλῷ προθυμότεροι πρὸς τὸν ἀγῶνα ἐγίνοντο, ὡς διὰ τὴν ἀνάγκην �
�νδρες ἀγαθοὶ παρὰ τοὺς κινδύνους ἐσόμενοι, καὶ ἐὰν κατὰ νοῦν πράξωσι ταῖς ἰδίαις ἀρεταῖς κατορθώσαντες τὸν πόλεμον οὐδενὶ κοινωσόμενοι τῆς δόξης. τοσοῦτον αὐτοῖς φρονήματος καὶ τόλμης ἐκ τῶν πολλῶν ἀγώνων περιῆν.
[4] Notwithstanding these answers, the Romans abated nothing of their spirit, which would have been a natural thing for those who were entering upon a dangerous war and had given up hope of any assistance from their allies; but trusting to their own forces alone, they grew much more eager for the contest, in the confidence that because of their necessity they would acquit themselves as brave men in the face of danger, and that if they succeeded according to their wish and won the war by their own valour, the glory of it would not have to be shared with anyone else. Such spirit and daring had they acquired from their many contests in the past.
[1] παρασκευαζόμενοι δὲ τὰ εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἐπιτήδεια καὶ τὰς δυνάμεις ἀρξάμενοι καταγράφειν, εἰς πολλὴν ἐνέπιπτον ἀμηχανίαν, οὐ τὴν αὐτὴν ἁπάντων προθυμίαν εἰς τὰ ἔργα παρεχομένων. οἱ γὰρ ἐνδεεῖς βίου καὶ μάλιστα οἱ τὰ χρέα τοῖς συμβαλοῦσι διαλῦσαι οὐ δυνάμενοι πολλοὶ σφόδρα ὄντες οὐχ ὑπήκουον ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα καλούμενοι οὐδ᾽ ἐβούλοντο κοινωνεῖν οὐδενὸς ἔργου τοῖς πατρικίοις, εἰ μὴ ψηψίσαιντο αὐτοῖς χρεῶν ἄφεσιν: ἀλλὰ καὶ καταλείψειν τινὲς αὐτῶν τὴν πόλιν ἔλεγον καὶ παρεκελεύοντο ἀλλήλοις μὴ φιλοχωρεῖν πόλει μηδενὸς αὐτοῖς ἀγαθοῦ μεταδιδούσῃ.
Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79) Page 543
