[3] In the case of Marcius, at any rate, it was nothing else but his passion for exact and extreme justice that drove him from his country and deprived him of the enjoyment of all his other blessings. For when he ought to have made reasonable concessions to the plebeians, and by yielding somewhat to their desires to have gained the foremost place among them, he would not do so, by opposing them in everything that was not just he incurred their hatred and was banished by them. And when it was in his power to resign the command of the Volscian army the moment he had put an end to the war, and to remove his habitation to some other place till his country had granted him leave to return, instead of offering himself as a target for the plotting of his enemies and the folly of the masses, he did not think fit to do so; but regarding it as his duty to put his person at the disposal of those who had entrusted him with the command and after giving an account of his conduct during his generalship, if he were found guilty of any misconduct, to undergo the punishment ordained by the laws, he received a sorry reward for his extreme justice.
[1] εἰ μὲν οὖν ἅμα τοῖς σώμασι διαλυομένοις καὶ τὸ τῆς ψυχῆς, ὁτιδήποτ᾽ ἐστὶν ἐκεῖνο, συνδιαλύεται, καὶ οὐδαμῇ οὐθὲν ἔτι ἐστίν, οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὅπως μακαρίους ὑπολάβω τοὺς μηθὲν μὲν ἀπολαύσαντας τῆς ἀρετῆς ἀγαθόν, δι᾽ αὐτὴν δὲ ταύτην ἀπολομένους. εἰ δ᾽ ἄφθαρτοι μέχρι τοῦ παντὸς αἱ ψυχαὶ τυγχάνουσιν ἡμῶν οὖσαι καθάπερ οἴονταί τινες, ἢ χρόνον τινὰ μετὰ τὴν ἀπαλλαγὴν τῶν σωμάτων ἔτι διαμένουσι, μήκιστον μὲν αἱ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν, ἐλάχιστον δ᾽ αἱ τῶν κακῶν, ἀποχρῶσα τιμὴ φαίνοιτ᾽ ἄν, οἷς ἀρετὴν ἀσκοῦσιν ἠναντιώθη τὰ ἐκ τῆς τύχης, ἡ παρὰ τῶν ζώντων εὐλογία καὶ μνήμη μέχρι πλείστου παραμείνασα χρόνου:
[62.1] Now if when the body perishes the soul also, whatever that is, perishes together with it and no longer exists anywhere, I do not see how I can conceive to seem to be happy who have received no advantage from their virtue but, on the contrary, have been undone by this very quality. Whereas, if our souls are perchance forever imperishable, as some think, or if they continue on for a time after their separation from the body, those of good men for a very long time and those of the wicked for a very short period, a sufficient reward for those who, though they have practised virtue, have suffered the enmity of Fortune, would seem to be the praise of the living and the continuance of their memory for the longest period of time. And that was the case with this man,
[2] ὃ καὶ τῷ ἀνδρὶ ἐκείνῳ συνέβη. οὐ γὰρ μόνον Οὐολοῦσκοι τὸν θάνατον ἐπένθησαν αὐτοῦ καὶ ὡς τῶν ἀρίστων γενόμενον ἐν τιμῇ ἔχουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι, ἐπειδὴ τὸ πάθος ἐγνώσθη, μεγάλην συμφορὰν ὑπολαβόντες εἶναι τῆς πόλεως, πένθος ἐποιήσαντο ἰδίᾳ καὶ δημοσίᾳ: καὶ αἱ γυναῖκες αὐτῶν, ἃ νόμος ἐστὶν αὐταῖς ἐπὶ τοῖς ἰδίοις τε καὶ ἀναγκαίοις ποιεῖν κήδεσιν, ἀποθέμεναι χρυσόν τε καὶ πορφύραν καὶ τὸν ἄλλον ἅπαντα κόσμον μέλασιν ἀμφιασμοῖς χρώμεναι τὸν ἐνιαύσιον ἐπένθησαν χρόνον.
[2] For not only the Volscians mourned his death and still hold him in honour as having proved himself one of the best of men, but the Romans also, when they were informed of his fate, looked upon it as a great calamity to the commonwealth and mourned for him both in private and in public; and their wives, as it is their custom to do at the loss of those who are nearest and dearest to them, laid aside their gold and purple and all their other adornment, and dressing themselves in black, mourned for him for the full period of a year.
[3] ἐτῶν δὲ μετὰ τὸ πάθος ὁμοῦ τι πεντακοσίων ἤδη διαγεγονότων εἰς τόνδε τὸν χρόνον οὐ γέγονεν ἐξίτηλος ἡ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς μνήμη, ἀλλ᾽ ᾄδεται καὶ ὑμνεῖται πρὸς πάντων ὡς εὐσεβὴς καὶ δίκαιος [p. 218] ἀνήρ. ὁ μὲν δὴ κατασχὼν Ῥωμαίους κίνδυνος ἐκ τῆς Οὐολούσκων τε καὶ Αἰκανῶν ἐπιστρατείας Μάρκιον λαβούσης ἡγεμόνα, μέγιστος τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ γενόμενος καὶ μικρὸν ἀποσχὼν τοῦ πᾶσαν τὴν πόλιν ἀνελεῖν ἐκ βάθρων, τοιούτου τέλους ἔτυχεν.
[3] And though nearly five hundred years have already elapsed since his death down to the present time, his memory has not become extinct, but he is still praised and celebrated by all as a pious and just man.
Thus ended the danger with which the Romans had been threatened by the expedition of the Volscians and Aequians under the command of Marcius, a danger that was greater than any to which they had ever been exposed before and came very near destroying the whole commonwealth from its foundations.
[1] ἡμέραις δ᾽ ὀλίγαις ὕστερον ἐξελθόντες εἰς τὴν ὕπαιθρον Ῥωμαῖοι πολλῇ στρατιᾷ τῶν ὑπάτων ἀγόντων ἀμφοτέρων, καὶ προελθόντες ἄχρι τῶν ὅρων τῆς σφετέρας κατεστρατοπέδευσαν ἐπὶ λόφοις δυσίν, ἴδιον ἑκατέρου τῶν ὑπάτων στρατόπεδον ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐρυμνοτάτοις καταστησαμένου. οὐ μὴν ἔδρασάν γε οὐδὲν οὔτε μεῖζον οὔτ᾽ ἔλαττον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνέστρεψαν ἄπρακτοι, καίτοι καλὰς ἀφορμὰς δόντων αὐτοῖς τῶν πολεμίων δρᾶσαί τι γενναῖον.
[63.1] A few days later the Romans took the field with a large army commanded by both consuls, and advancing to the confines of their own territory, encamped on two hills, each of the consuls placing his camp in the strongest position. Nevertheless, they accomplished nothing, either great or little, but returned unsuccessful, though excellent opportunities had been afforded them by the enemy for performing some gallant action.
[2] πρότεροι γὰρ ἔτι τούτων Οὐολοῦσκοί τε καὶ Αἰκανοὶ στρατὸν ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥωμαίων γῆν ἤγαγον γνώμην ποιησάμενοι μὴ ἀνεῖναι τὸν καιρόν, ἀλλ᾽, ἕως ἔτι καταπεπλῆχθαι τὸ ἀντίπαλον ἐδόκουν, χωρεῖν ἐπ᾽ αὐτό, ὡς καὶ ἑκούσιον διὰ δέος παραστησόμενον. στασιάσαντες δὲ περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων τὰ ὅπλα ἥρπασαν καὶ συμπεσόντες ἐμάχοντο, οὔτε κατὰ τάξιν οὔτ᾽ ἐκ παραγγέλματος, ἀλλὰ φύρδην καὶ ἀναμίξ, ὥστε πολὺν ἐξ ἀμφοῖν γενέσθαι φόνον: καὶ εἰ μὴ δὺς ὁ ἥλιος ἔφθασεν, ἅπασαι ἂν αὐτῶν αἱ δυνάμεις διεφθάρησαν. τῇ δὲ νυκτὶ λυούσῃ τὸ νεῖκος ἀκούσιοι εἴξαντες διεκρίθησάν τ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ἀλλήλων καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἰδίους χάρακας ἀπηλλάγησαν: ἕωθεν [p. 219] δ᾽ ἀναστήσαντες τὰς δυνάμεις ἀπῄεσαν ἑκάτεροι ἐπὶ
[2] It seems that even before their expedition the Volscians and the Aequians had led an army against the Roman territory, having resolved not to let the opportunity slip, but to attack their adversaries while they seemed to be sit panic-stricken; for they thought that in their fear they would surrender of their own acc
ord. But quarrelling among themselves over the command, they rushed to arms, and falling upon one another, fought without keeping their ranks or receiving orders, but in confusion and disorder, so that many were killed on both sides; and if the sun had not set in time to prevent it, all their forces would have been utterly destroyed. But yielding reluctantly to the night which put an end to the quarrel, they separated and retired to their own camps; and rousing their forces at dawn, both sides returned home.
[3] τὰ σφέτερα. οἱ δ᾽ ὕπατοι παρά τ᾽ αὐτομόλων καὶ αἰχμαλώτων, οἳ παρ᾽ αὐτὸ τὸ ἔργον ἀπέδρασαν, ἀκούσαντες, οἷα κατέσχε λύσσα καὶ θεοβλάβεια τὰ πολέμια, οὔτε συνεπέθεντο τῷ κατ᾽ εὐχὴν δοθέντι καιρῷ τριάκοντα σταδίων οὐ πλεῖον ἀπέχοντες, οὔτ᾽ ἀπιόντας ἐδίωξαν, ἐν ᾧ κεκμηκότας καὶ τραυματίας καὶ ὀλίγους ἐκ πολλῶν καὶ ἀτάκτους χωροῦντας ἀκραιφνεῖς αὐτοὶ καὶ σὺν κόσμῳ ἑπόμενοι ῥᾳδίως ἂν διέφθειραν πασσυδί.
[3] The consuls, though they learned both from deserters and from prisoners who had escaped during the action itself what fury and madness had possessed the enemy, neither embraced an opportunity so desirable when it offered, though they were no more than thirty stades distant, nor pursued them in their retreat — a situation in which their own troops, being fresh and following in good order, might easily have destroyed to a man those of the enemy, who were fatigued, wounded, reduced from a large to a small number, and were retiring in disorder.
[4] λύσαντες δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ τοὺς χάρακας ἀπῄεσαν εἰς τὴν πόλιν: εἴτ᾽ ἀρκούμενοι τῷ παρὰ τῆς τύχης δοθέντι ἀγαθῷ, εἴτ᾽ οὐ πιστεύοντες ἀνασκήτῳ στρατιᾷ τῇ σφετέρᾳ, εἴτε περὶ πολλοῦ ποιούμενοι τὸ μηδ᾽ ὀλίγους τῶν σφετέρων ἀποβαλεῖν. ἀφικόμενοι δ᾽ εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐν αἰσχύνῃ πολλῇ ἦσαν δειλίας δόξαν ἐπὶ τῷ ἔργῳ φερόμενοι: καὶ οὐδεμίαν ἔξοδον ἔτι ποιησάμενοι παρέδοσαν τοῖς μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς ὑπάτοις τὴν ἀρχήν.
[4] But they too broke camp and returned to Rome, either being contented with the advantage Fortune had given them, or having no confidence in their troops, who were undisciplined, or considering it very important not to lose even a few of their own men. When they got back to Rome, however, they found themselves in great disgrace and had to bear the stigma of cowardice for their behaviour. And without undertaking any other expedition they surrendered their magistracy to their successors.
[1] τῷ δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἐνιαυτῷ Γάϊος μὲν Ἀκύλλιος καὶ Τῖτος Σίκκιος, ἄνδρες ἔμπειροι πολέμων, τὴν ὑπατείαν παρειλήφεσαν. ἡ δὲ βουλὴ προθέντων λόγον περὶ τοῦ πολέμου τῶν ὑπάτων πρῶτον ἐψηφίσατο πρεσβείαν πέμψαι πρὸς Ἕρνικας αἰτήσουσαν ὡς παρὰ φίλων τε καὶ ἐνσπόνδων δίκας νομίμους: ἠδίκητο γὰρ ἡ πόλις ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν κατὰ τὴν Οὐολούσκων τε καὶ Αἰκανῶν ἐπιστρατείαν λῃστείαις τε καὶ καταδρομαῖς τῆς ὁμορούσης αὐτοῖς γῆς: ἕως δ᾽ ἂν τὰς παρ᾽ ἐκείνων λάβωσιν ἀποκρίσεις, στρατιὰν ὅσην δύνανται πλείστην καταγράφειν τοὺς ὑπάτους καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους πρεσβειῶν [p. 220] ἀποστολαῖς παρακαλεῖν σῖτόν τε καὶ ὅπλα καὶ χρήματα καὶ τἆλλα ὅσων ἔδει τῷ πολέμῳ διὰ πολυχειρίας παρασκευάσασθαι καὶ ἐν τάχει.
[64.1] The next year Gaius Aquilius and Titus Siccius, men experienced in war, succeeded to the consulship. The senate, when the consuls had brought up the war for consideration, voted, first, to send an embassy to the Hernicans to demand, as from friends and allies, the customary satisfaction; for the commonwealth had suffered wrongs at their hands at the time of the attack of the Volscians and Aequians through brigandage and incursions into the part of the Roman territory that bordered on their own; and they voted further that while waiting to receive their answer the consuls should enrol all the forces they could, summon the allies by sending out embassies, and great ready corn, arms, money, and all the other things necessary for the war, by employing a large number of men and using haste.
[2] ὡς δ᾽ ἀπήγγειλαν αὐτοῖς ἀναστρέψαντες οἱ πρέσβεις ἃς παρὰ τῶν Ἑρνίκων ἔλαβον ἀποκρίσεις, ὅτι συνθήκας μὲν οὔ φασιν αὐτοῖς εἶναι πρὸς Ῥωμαίους κοινῇ γενομένας οὐδέποτε, τὰς δὲ πρὸς βασιλέα Ταρκύνιον ὁμολογίας αἰτιῶνται λελύσθαι τήν τ᾽ ἀρχὴν ἀφαιρεθέντος ἐκείνου καὶ τεθνηκότος ἐπὶ τῆς ξένης: εἰ δέ τινες ἁρπαγαὶ καὶ καταδρομαὶ τῆς χώρας ἐγένοντο διὰ λῃστηρίων, οὐκ ἀπὸ κοινῆς γνώμης γεγονέναι λέγουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἰδιωτῶν ἀδικήματα μετιόντων τὰ ἴδια, καὶ οὐδὲ τοὺς ταῦτα δράσαντας παρέχειν οἷοί τ᾽ εἰσὶν ἐπὶ δίκην, ἕτερα καὶ αὐτοὶ τοιαῦτα πεπονθέναι λέγοντες καὶ ἀντεγκαλοῦντες,
[2] When the ambassadors returned from the Hernicans, they reported to the senate the answer they had received from them, to the following effect: They denied that there had ever been a treaty between them and the Romans by act of the public, and they charged that the compact they had made with King Tarquinius had been dissolved both by his expulsion from power and by his death in a foreign land; but if any depredations had been committed or incursions made into the territory of the Romans by bands of robbers, they said these had not been made by the general consent of their nation, but were the misdeeds of individuals pursuing their private ends, and street they were unable to deliver up to justice even the men who had done these things, since they claimed that they themselves had also suffered similar wrongs and had the same complaints to make; and they said that they cheerfully accepted the war.
[3] ἄσμενοί τ᾽ εἰσι δέχεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον. ταῦτα ἡ βουλὴ μαθοῦσα ἐψηφίσατο νείμασθαι τὴν καταγραφεῖσαν ἐκ τῶν νεωτέρων στρατιὰν τριχῇ: τούτων δὲ τὴν μὲν μίαν ἄγοντα Γάϊον Ἀκύλλιον τὸν ὕπατον ὁμόσε τῇ Ἑρνίκων στρατιᾷ χωρεῖν: καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι ἤδη ἦσαν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις: τὴν δ᾽ ἑτέραν Τῖτον Σίκκιον ἐπὶ Οὐολούσκους ἄγειν, τὸν ἕτερον τῶν ὑπάτων, τὴν δὲ λοιπὴν τρίτην μερίδα παραλαβόντα Σπόριον Λάρκιον, ὃς ἦν ἀποδεδειγμένος ὑπὸ τῶν %5ὑπάτων ἔπαρχος τὴν ἔγγιστα τῆς πόλεως χώραν φυλάττειν: τοὺς δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τὸν στρατιωτικὸν κατάλογον, ὅσοι δύναμιν εἶχον ἔτι βαστάζειν ὅπλα, ταχθέντας ὑπὸ σημαίαις τάς τ᾽ ἄκρας φρουρεῖν [p. 221] τῆς πόλεως καὶ τὰ τείχη, μή τις αἰφνίδιος πολεμίων γένηται ἔφοδος ἐξεστρατευμένης τῆς νεότητος ἀθρόας: ἡγεῖσθαι δὲ τῆς δυνάμεως ταύτης Αὖλον Σεμπρώνιον Ἀτρατῖνον, ἄνδρα τῶν ὑπατ�
�κῶν. ἐγίνετο δὲ ταῦτ᾽ οὐ διὰ μακροῦ.
[3] The senate, upon hearing this, voted that the youth already enrolled should be divided into three bodies, and that with one of these the consul Gaius Aquilius should march against the army of the Hernicans (for these were already in arms), that Titus Siccius, the other consul, should lead the second against the Volscians, and that Spurius Larcius, who had been appointed prefect of the city by the consuls, should with the remaining third part defend the portion of the country that lay nearest to the city; that those who were above the military age but were still capable of bearing arms should be arrayed under their standards and guard the citadels of the city and the walls, to prevent any sudden attack by the enemy while all the youth were in the field, and that Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, one of the ex-consuls, should have the command of this force. These orders were presently carried out.
[1] Ἀκύλλιος μὲν οὖν ἅτερος τῶν ὑπάτων ἐν τῇ Πραινεστηνῶν χώρᾳ τὸν Ἑρνίκων στρατὸν ὑπομένοντα καταλαβὼν ἀντικατεστρατοπέδευσεν ὡς ἐδύνατο μάλιστ᾽ ἀγχοτάτω σταδίους ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥώμης ἀποσχὼν ὀλίγῳ πλείους διακοσίων: τρίτῃ δ᾽ ἀφ᾽ ἧς κατεστρατοπέδευσεν ἡμέρᾳ, προελθόντων ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος τῶν Ἑρνίκων εἰς τὸ πεδίον ἐν τάξει καὶ τὰ σημεἶ ἀράντων τῆς μάχης, ἀντεξῆγε καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν δύναμιν ἐν κόσμῳ τε καὶ κατὰ τέλη.
Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79) Page 622
