[8] For if the patricians oppose our demand, we will seize this opportunity to malign them before the populace, and by this means the whole body of the plebeians will become enraged against them and will be ready to support us in everything we desire; and, on the other hand, if they grant it, let us banish those of them who are of the most noble birth and have opposed us the most, both older men and young, as persons we have discovered to be guilty of the charge.
[9] ἐκεῖνοι δὲ ἄρα τὰς καταγνώσεις δεδιότες ἢ συμβήσονται πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἐπὶ τῷ μηθὲν ἔτι ἀντιπράττειν ἢ καταλιπεῖν ἀναγκασθήσονται τὴν πόλιν. ἐκ δὲ τούτου πολλὴν ποιήσομεν ἐρημίαν τοῦ ἀντιπάλου. [p. 23]
[9] These men, then, in their fear of being condemned, will either come to terms with us to make no further opposition or else will be compelled to leave the city. By this means we shall thoroughly devastate the opposition.’
[1] ταῦτα τὰ βουλεύματα ἦν αὐτῶν, ὦ βουλή, καὶ τὸν μεταξὺ χρόνον ὃν ἑωρᾶτε συνεδρεύοντας αὐτούς, οὗτος ὁ δόλος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ὑφαίνετο ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀρίστοις ὑμῶν, καὶ τοῦτο τὸ δίκτυον κατὰ τῶν εὐγενεστάτων ἱππέων ἐπλέκετο. καὶ ὅτι ἀληθῆ ταῦτ᾽
[13.1] “These were their plans, senators, and during the time you saw them holding sessions this plot was being spun by them against the best of your members and this net was being woven against the noblest of the knights. To prove that this is true requires very few words on my part.
[2] ἐστί, βραχέος μοι πάνυ δεῖ λόγου. φέρε γὰρ εἴπατέ μοι, Οὐεργίνιε, οἱ τὰ δεινὰ πεισόμενοι, παρὰ τίνων ἐδέξασθε τὰ γράμματα ξένων; τῶν ποῦ κατοικούντων, ἢ πόθεν ὑμᾶς εἰδότων, ἢ πῶς τἀνθάδε συνεδρευόμενα ἐπισταμένων; τί ἀναβάλλεσθε καὶ μετὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἐρεῖν αὐτοὺς ὑπισχνεῖσθε, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ πάλαι λέγετε; τίς δ᾽ ὁ τὰ γράμματα κομίσας ὑμῖν ἀνήρ ἐστι; τί οὐ κατάγετε αὐτὸν εἰς μέσον, ἵν᾽ ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου πρῶτον ἀρξώμεθα ζητεῖν, εἴτε ἀληθῆ ταῦτ᾽ ἐστίν, εἴτε ὡς ἐγώ φημι πλάσματα ὑμέτερα;
[2] For come, tell me, Verginius and you others who are to suffer these dreadful evils, who are the foreign friends from whom you received the letters? Where do they live? How did they become acquainted with you? Or by what means do they know what is being discussed here? Who do you defer naming these man and keep promising to do it later on, instead of having named them long since? And who is the man who brought the letters to you? Why do you not bring him before us, that we may begin first of all with him to pursue the inquiry whether these reports are true or, as I maintain, your own fictions?
[3] αἱ δὲ δὴ συνᾴδουσαι τοῖς ξενικοῖς γράμμασι μηνύσεις παρὰ τῶν ἐνθάδε τίνες τ᾽ εἰσὶ καὶ ὑπὸ τίνων γενόμεναι; τί κρύπτετε τὰς πίστεις, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ εἰς τὸ ἐμφανὲς ἄγετε; ἀλλ᾽ οἶμαι τῶν μήτε γενομένων μήτε ἐσομένων ἀδύνατον εὑρεθῆναι πίστιν.
[3] And the informations that come from persons here, which you say agree with the foreign letters, what are they and by whom given? Why do you conceal the proofs and not ring them to light? But I suspect it is impossible to find proof of such things as neither have happened nor will happen.
[4] ταῦτ᾽ ἐστίν, ὦ βουλή, μηνύματα οὐ κατὰ τούτων συνωμοσίας, ἀλλὰ καθ᾽ ὑμῶν δόλου καὶ πονηρᾶς γνώμης, ᾗ κέχρηνται κρύψαντες οὗτοι: τὰ γὰρ πράγματα αὐτὰ βοᾷ. αἴτιοι δ᾽ ὑμεῖς οἱ τὰ πρῶτα ἐπιτρέψαντες αὐτοῖς καὶ τὸ ἀνόητον τῆς ἀρχῆς μεγάλῃ καθοπλίσαντες ἐξουσίᾳ, ὅτε Κοίντιον Καίσωνα τῷ παρελθόντι ἐνιαυτῷ [p. 24] κρίνειν ἐπ᾽ αἰτίαις ψευδέσιν εἰάσατε, καὶ τοσοῦτον φύλακα τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας ἀναρπαζόμενον ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν περιείδετε. τοιγαροῦν οὐκέτι μετριάζουσιν οὐδὲ καθ᾽ ἕνα τῶν εὐγενῶν περικόπτουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀθρόους ἤδη περιβαλόντες τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἐλαύνουσιν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως:
[4] These are indications, senators, not of a conspiracy against the tribunes here, but of treachery and an evil purpose against you which these men have been secretly cherishing. For the facts themselves cry aloud. But you senators are to blame for this, since you made the first concessions to them and armed their senseless magistracy with great power when you permitted Caeso Quintius to be tried by them last year on false charges and permitted so great a defender of the aristocracy to be destroyed by them.
[5] καὶ πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις κακοῖς οὐδ᾽ ἀντειπεῖν αὐτοῖς ἀξιοῦσιν οὐθένα ὑμῶν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ὑποψίας καὶ διαβολὰς ἄγοντες ὡς κοινωνοῦντα τῶν ἀπορρήτων δεδίττονται καὶ μισόδημον εὐθὺς εἶναί φασι, καὶ προλέγουσιν ἥκειν ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον ὑφέξοντα τῶν ἐνθάδε ῥηθέντων δίκας.
[5] For this reason they no longer show any moderation nor do they lop off the men of birth one by one, but are already rounding up the good men en masse and expelling them from the city. And, in addition to all the other evils, they demand that no one of you even speak in opposition to them, but by exposing him to suspicions and accusations as an accomplice in those secret plots they try to terrify him and promptly call him an enemy of the populace and cite him to appear before their assembly to stand trial for what he has said here.
[6] ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ μὲν τούτων ἕτερος ἔσται καιρὸς ἐπιτηδειότερος τοῖς λόγοις, νυνὶ δὲ συντεμῶ τὸν λόγον καὶ παύσομαι τὰ πλείω διατεινόμενος: φυλάττεσθαι ὑμῖν παραινῶ τούσδε τοὺς ἄνδρας ὡς συνταράττοντας τὴν πόλιν καὶ μεγάλων ἐκφέροντας ἀρχὰς κακῶν καὶ οὐκ ἐνθάδε μὲν ταῦτα λέγω, πρὸς δὲ τὸν δῆμον ἀποκρύψομαι, ἀλλὰ κἀκεῖ παρρησίᾳ δικαίᾳ χρήσομαι, διδάσκων ὡς οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ἐπικρέμαται δεινόν, ὅτι μὴ κακοὶ καὶ δόλιοι προστάται πολεμίων ἔργα ἐν προσποιήματι φίλων διαπραττόμενοι.
[6] But another occasion will be more suitable for discussing this matter. For the present I will curtail my remarks and will cease running on at greater length, merely advising you to guard against these men as disturbers of the commonwealth and as publishing the germs of great evils. And not here alone do I say these things, while intending to conceal them from the populace; on the contrary, I shall there also employ a frankness that is merited, showing them that no mischief hangs over their heads unless it be wicked and deceitful leaders who under the guise of friendship are doing the deeds of enemies.”
[7] ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντος τοῦ ὑπάτου κραυγή τε καὶ πολὺς ἔπαινος ἐκ τῶν παρόντων ἐγένετο, καὶ οὐδὲ λόγου τοῖς δημάρχοις ἔτι μεταδόντες διέλυσαν τὸν σύλλογον. ἔπειθ᾽ ὁ μὲν Οὐεργίνιος ἐκκλησίαν συναγαγὼν κατηγό�
�ει τῆς τε βουλῆς καὶ τῶν ὑπάτων, ὁ δὲ Κλαύδιος ἀπελογεῖτο [p. 25] τοὺς αὐτοὺς λόγους διεξιών, οὓς εἶπεν ἐπὶ τῆς βουλῆς. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἐπιεικέστεροι τῶν δημοτικῶν κενὸν ὑπώπτευον εἶναι τὸν φόβον, οἱ δ᾽ εὐηθέστεροι πιστεύοντες ταῖς φήμαις ἀληθῆ: ὅσοι δὲ κακοήθεις ἦσαν ἐν αὐτοῖς καὶ μεταβολῆς ἀεὶ δεόμενοι, τοῦ μὲν ἐξετάζειν τἀληθὲς ἢ ψεῦδος οὐκ εἶχον πρόνοιαν, ἀφορμὴν δὲ διχοστασίας ἐζήτουν καὶ θορύβου.
[7] When the consul had thus spoken, there was shouting and much applause by all present; and without even permitting the tribunes to reply, they dismissed the session. Then Verginius, calling an assembly of the populace, inveighed against both the senate and the consuls, and Claudius defended them, repeating the same things he had said in the senate. The more fair-minded among the plebeians suspected that their fear was unwarranted, while the more simple-minded, giving credence to the reports, thought it real; but all among them who were ill-disposed and were forever craving a change did not have the foresight to examine into the truth or falsehood of the reports, but sought an occasion for sedition and tumult.
[1] ἐν τοιαύτῃ δὲ ταραχῇ τῆς πόλεως οὔσης ἀνήρ τις ἐκ τοῦ Σαβίνων ἔθνους πατέρων τε οὐκ ἀφανῶν καὶ χρήμασι δυνατός, Ἄππιος Ἑρδώνιος ὄνομα, καταλῦσαι τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν ἐπεβάλετο εἴθ᾽ ἑαυτῷ τυραννίδα κατασκευαζόμενος εἴτε τῷ Σαβίνων ἔθνει πράττων ἀρχὴν καὶ κράτος εἴτ᾽ ὀνόματος ἀξιωθῆναι βουλόμενος μεγάλου. κοινωσάμενος δὲ πολλοῖς τῶν φίλων ἣν εἶχε διάνοιαν καὶ τὸν τρόπον τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως ἀφηγησάμενος, ἐπειδὴ κἀκείνοις ἐδόκει συνήθροιζε τοὺς πελάτας καὶ τῶν θεραπόντων οὓς εἶχεν εὐτολμοτάτους: καὶ δι᾽ ὀλίγου χρόνου συγκροτήσας δύναμιν ἀνδρῶν τετρακισχιλίων μάλιστα, ὅπλα τε καὶ τροφὰς καὶ τἆλλα ὅσων δεῖ πολέμῳ πάντα εὐτρεπισάμενος,
[14.1] While the city was in such turmoil, a man of the Sabine race, of no obscure birth and powerful because of his wealth, Appius Herdonius by name, attempted to overthrow the supremacy of the Romans, with a view either of making himself tyrant or of winning dominion and power for the Sabine nation or else of gaining against name for himself. Having revealed his purpose to many of his friends and explained to them his plan for executing it, and having received their approval, he assembled his clients and the most daring of his servants and in a short time got together a force of about four thousand men. Then, after supplying them with arms, provisions and everything else that is needed for war, he embarked them on river-boats and,
[2] εἰς σκάφας ποταμηγοὺς ἐνεβάλετο. πλεύσας δὲ διὰ τοῦ Τεβέριος ποταμοῦ προσέσχε τῆς Ῥώμης κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ χωρίον, ἔνθα τὸ Καπιτώλιόν ἐστιν οὐδ᾽ ὅλον στάδιον ἀπέχον τοῦ ποταμοῦ. ἦσαν δὲ μέσαι τηνικαῦτα νύκτες, καὶ πολλὴ καθ᾽ ὅλην τὴν πόλιν ἡσυχία, ἣν συνεργὸν λαβὼν ἐξεβίβασε τοὺς ἄνδρας κατὰ σπουδὴν καὶ διὰ τῶν ἀκλείστων πυλῶν: [p. 26] εἰσὶ γάρ τινες ἱεραὶ πύλαι τοῦ Καπιτωλίου κατά τι θέσφατον ἀνειμέναι, Καρμεντίδας αὐτὰς καλοῦσιν: ἀναβιβάσας τὴν δύναμιν εἶχε τὸ φρούριον. ἐκεῖθεν δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὴν ἄκραν ὠσάμενος, — ἔστι δὲ τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ
[2] sailing down the river Tiber, landed at that part of Rome where the Capitol stands, not a full stade distant from the river. It was then midnight and there was profound quiet throughout the entire city; with this to help him he disembarked his men in haste, and passing through the gate which was open (for there is a certain sacred gate of the Capitol, called the porta Carmentalis, which by the direction of some oracle is always left open), he ascended the hill with his troops and captured the fortress.
[3] προσεχής, — κἀκείνης ἐγεγόνει κύριος. ἦν δὲ αὐτοῦ γνώμη μετὰ τὸ κρατῆσαι τῶν ἐπικαιροτάτων τόπων τούς τε φυγάδας εἰσδέχεσθαι καὶ τοὺς δούλους εἰς ἐλευθερίαν καλεῖν καὶ χρεῶν ἄφεσιν ὑπισχνεῖσθαι τοῖς ἀπόροις τούς τε ἄλλους πολίτας, οἳ ταπεινὰ πράττοντες διὰ φθόνου καὶ μίσους εἶχον τὰς ὑπεροχὰς καὶ μεταβολῆς ἄσμενοι ἂν ἐλάβοντο, κοινωνοὺς ποιεῖσθαι τῶν ὠφελειῶν. ἡ δὲ θαρρεῖν τε αὐτὸν ἐπαγομένη καὶ πλανῶσα ἐλπίς, ὡς οὐθενὸς ἀτυχήσοντα τῶν προσδοκωμένων, ἡ πολιτικὴ στάσις ἦν, δι᾽ ἣν οὔτε φιλίαν οὔτε κοινωνίαν οὐδεμίαν ὑπελάμβανε τῷ δήμῳ πρὸς τοὺς πατρικίους ἔτι γενήσεσθαι.
[3] From there he pushed on to the citadel, which adjoins the Capitol, and took possession of that also. It was his intention, after seizing the most advantageous positions, to receive the exiles, to summon the slaves to liberty, to promise the needy an abolition of debts, and to share the spoils with any other citizens who, being themselves of low condition, envied and hated those of lofty station and would have welcomed a change. The hope that both inspired him with confidence and deceived him, by leading him to believe that he should fail of none of his expectations, was based on the civil dissension, because of which he imagined that neither any friendship nor any intercourse would any longer exist between the populace and the patricians.
[4] ἐὰν δὲ ἄρα μηθὲν αὐτῷ τούτων κατὰ νοῦν χωρῇ, τηνικαῦτα Σαβίνους τε πανστρατιᾷ καλεῖν ἐδέδοκτο καὶ Οὐολούσκους καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πλησιοχώρων ὅσοις ἂν ᾖ βουλομένοις ἀπηλλάχθαι τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἐπιφθόνου ἀρχῆς.
[4] And if none of these expectations should turn out according to his wish, he had resolved in that event to call in not only the Sabines with all their forces, but also the volscians and as many from the other neighbouring peoples as desired to be delivered from the hated domination of the Romans.
[1] συνέβη δὲ αὐτῷ πάντων διαμαρτεῖν ὧν ἤλπισεν οὔτε δούλων αὐτομολησάντων πρὸς αὐτὸν οὔτε φυγάδων κατελθόντων οὔτε ἀτίμων καὶ καταχρέων τὸ ἴδιον κέρδος ἀντὶ τοῦ κοινῇ συμφέροντος ἀλλαξαμένων, τῆς τε ἔξωθεν ἐπικουρίας οὐ λαβούσης χρόνον ἱκανὸν εἰς παρασκευὴν τοῦ πολέμου: τρισὶ γὰρ ἢ τέτταρσι ταῖς πρώταις ἡμέραις τέλος εἰλήφει τὰ πράγματα [p. 27] μέγα δέος καὶ πολλὴν ταραχὴν Ῥωμαίοις παρασχόντα.
[15.1] It so happened, however, that all his hopes were disappointed; for neither the slaves deserted to him nor did the exiles return nor did the unfranchised and the debtors seek their private advantage at the expense of the public good, and the reinforcements from outside did not have time enough to prepare for war, since within three or four days all told the affair was at an end, after causing t
he Romans great fear and turmoil.
[2] ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἑάλω τὰ φρούρια, κραυγῆς ἄφνω γενομένης καὶ φυγῆς τῶν περὶ ἐκείνους οἰκούντων τοὺς τόπους, ὅσοι μὴ παραχρῆμα ἐσφάγησαν, ἀγνοοῦντες οἱ πολλοὶ τὸ δεινὸν ὅ τι ποτ᾽ ἦν ἁρπάσαντες τὰ ὅπλα συνέτρεχον, οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τὰ μετέωρα χωρία τῆς πόλεως, οἱ δ᾽ εἰς τοὺς ἀναπεπταμένους αὐτῆς τόπους πολλοὺς σφόδρα ὄντας, οἱ δ᾽ εἰς τὰ παρακείμενα πεδία: ὅσοι δ᾽ ἡλικίας ἐν τῷ παρηκμακότι ἦσαν καὶ ῥώμης σώματος ἐν τῷ ἀδυνάτῳ, τὰ τέγη τῶν οἰκιῶν κατεῖχον ἅμα γυναιξὶν ὡς ἀπὸ τούτων ἀγωνιούμενοι πρὸς τοὺς εἰσεληλυθότας: ἅπαντα γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐδόκει μεστὰ εἶναι πολέμου.
[2] For upon the capture of the fortresses, followed by a sudden outcry and flight of all those living near those places — save those who were slain at once — the mass of the citizens, not knowing what the peril was, seized their arms and rushed together, some hastening to the heights of the city, others to the open places, which were very numerous, and still others to the plains near by. Those who were past the prime of life and were incapacitated in bodily strength occupied the roofs of the houses together with the women, thinking to fight from there against the invaders; for they imagined that every part of the city was full of fighting.
Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79) Page 664
