by Robert Payne
Hims, halfway between Aleppo and Damascus, was a large walled town on the Orontes. It was well fortified, with walls of black stone, and was famous for its orchards and the beauty of its people. The Mameluke army was camped in and around the town, ready to do battle. The Mongol-Armenian-Christian army rode along the plain in the shadow of the Lebanon mountains until it was a day’s march from Hims. Ghazan called a halt, saying he would remain there until his horses were fully rested. He set up his camp, busied himself with his own affairs, and seemed totally indifferent to the presence of the enemy a day’s march away. There was an abundance of fodder and water, and provisions came from the surrounding villages.
The news that Ghazan was resting in his camp came to the ears of the Sultan at Hims on December 22, 1299. He decided to attack immediately, reached Ghazan’s camp toward evening, and sent his cavalry to destroy the army of the Mongol emperor. Caught by surprise, Ghazan ordered his own cavalry to dismount. They were not to attack the enemy, but to use their horses as a wall and to shoot arrows at the enemy as soon as they came within range. The Mongols were superb archers. They broke the charge, and by nightfall the Mamelukes had fled.
During that night, the Mongols and their allies advanced on Hims. The battle was resumed at dawn, and this time the Mongols had no need to kneel behind their horses. Armenians, Templars, Hospitallers, and contingents of the Cypriot army, Georgians, and Mongols, spent the day slaughtering the Mamelukes until there was scarcely any part of the battlefield uncarpeted by dead bodies.
The allied losses were small; the Mamelukes lost three-quarters of their army. The sultan fled to Cairo with a small bodyguard of Bedouin, while the survivors fled in the direction of Tripoli and were cut down by Christians living in the mountains of Lebanon. The Sultan’s treasure was found intact. Characteristically, Ghazan ordered that the spoils should be divided among the soldiers, and he kept for himself only the sultan’s sword and a pouch containing the seals of the sultanate.
The army rested for five days and then advanced on Damascus. While they were on the march, the governor of Damascus sent ambassadors with costly presents and the keys to the city. Ghazan received the ambassadors, accepted their gifts, and told them he would set up his camp near the city and perhaps make it his capital. Capchik, a Saracen who had ingratiated himself with Ghazan, was made governor of Damascus, while Cotulossa, a Mongol chieftain, was made second-in-command of the army. Toward the end of February 1300, Ghazan had to return to Persia to put down an uprising. Before he left, he summoned King Hethum, and said the time had come for the Christians to take possession of their castles and restore them to fighting strength. Ghazan said he had given orders to Cotulossa to help them in every way.
For six months the Christians, with the help of the Mongol army, were in effective control of the Holy Land. Everything was restored to them. Dazed, they saw the country over which they had fought for two hundred years given back to them. Armenia belonged once again to the Armenians; the cities of the seacoast as far south as Gaza and Jerusalem itself belonged to the Crusaders. At Easter, services were held in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Templars and Hospitallers had entered the city in triumph, and no one had tried to stop them. Ghazan, before leaving Damascus, sent ambassadors to the pope and the sovereigns of Europe, urging them to pour men, money, and armaments into Palestine, which was his gift to them. He wanted an alliance between the Mongols and the countries of Europe against the Mamelukes, and he was prepared to back up the alliance with his vast army.
The Armenians drifted back to Armenia; the Christian knights surveyed the shattered seacoast cities and wondered whether help would come in time. There were less than five thousand of them now, and they realized that it was beyond the power of a handful of men to make a kingdom. Jacques de Molay sent out columns in all directions, pretending to have a force much greater than the one he possessed. The pope told the Mongol ambassadors that the time was not ripe for another Crusade, and the sovereigns of Europe said the same. Ghazan remained in Tabriz; Jacques de Molay took up residence in the Templum Dei in Jerusalem, and fretted over the impossibility of the task entrusted to him. The kingdom was in his hands, but where were the people to till the fields, guard the frontiers, rebuild the churches? The seacoast cities must be rebuilt brick by brick: towers, castles, gates, city walls. Where were the women? Where were the children? With a Mongol army to protect them, with thousands upon thousands of immigrants coming from Europe under the good offices of the pope and the sovereigns of Europe, the kingdom might be restored, but it would have to be done quickly and decisively.
It was the year 1300, the Jubilee Year commanded by Pope Boniface VIII, the most imperial of popes, to celebrate the achievements of the Church and his own power. Enormous crowds flocked to Rome, where the pope sometimes appeared in procession with two swords held before him, representing both spiritual and temporal power. In the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the few remaining Crusaders were desperately seeking help and the pope did not listen to them.
In Palestine the summer was unusually hot. The trees withered; the roads were thick with dust. As usual, there were conspiracies, counterconspiracies, secret agreements. Quite suddenly Jacques de Molay was confronted with a conspiracy designed to shatter his last hopes. Capchik, the Saracen governor of Damascus, the close and trusted friend of the Ilkhan Ghazan, who had innocently raised him to high position, entered into secret correspondence with the Mameluke sultan, offering to place Damascus under Egyptian sovereignty in exchange for a vast treasure, the sultan’s sister in marriage, and the governorship of Damascus to be held by him and his family in perpetuity. Dictating his memoirs to his friend Nicolas Falcon seven years later, in a convent in Poitiers, the monk Haiton, formerly Hethum, King of Armenia, records in his rather haphazard manner the events of that summer and autumn:
When Molay saw that the entire country was in a state of rebellion, he knew he would be unable to make headway with so few men, and that is why he rode to the kingdom of Mesopotamia by the shortest route, and related in great detail everything that had passed in the kingdom of Syria. Ghazan could do nothing because it was summer, but with winter coming up he made all his preparations on the banks of the Euphrates and sent Cotulossa with thirty thousand Tartar horsemen, ordering them, when they reached the country of Antioch, to send word to the King of Armenia and other Christians in the countries of the Orient and Cyprus to join him. While they were waiting for Ghazan himself to march into the kingdom of Syria with all his forces, Cotulossa followed the emperor’s orders.
Cotulossa reached Antioch with his thirty thousand Tartars and sent word to the King of Armenia to join him. The King agreed to march and went to find him; and the Christians in the kingdom of Cyprus, having heard of the arrival of Cotulossa, sent forces to the island off Tortosa. Among them was the Lord of Tyre, brother of the king of Cyprus, who was Generalissimo, and the men in charge of the Hospital and the Temple with their brethren. While they were all preparing themselves to do their Christian duty, there came the rumor that Ghazan was ill and the doctors despaired for his life.
So it came about that Cotulossa returned to Ghazan with the Tartars, and the King of Armenia returned to Armenia, and the Christians who had assembled at Tortosa returned to Cyprus. In this way the expedition to save the holy land was totally abandoned. This happened in the year of Our Lord 1301.
This was not quite the end, because the Mongols and Armenians went on fighting. There were continual small battles and skirmishes, and then at last, in 1303, at Marj as-Saffar, a great plain twenty miles south of Damascus, the combined Mongol-Armenian army was defeated. The remnants of the army retired to Nineveh, where Ghazan received them, promising to continue to wage war against the Saracens and giving King Hethum a sum of money, sufficient to support a thousand Armenian horsemen and a thousand Mongol soldiers to be used in the defense of the kingdom of Armenia. The king returned to Armenia, raised an army and won a victory over the Mamelukes at Ayati, near Tarsus. It was a decisive victo
ry. Of the seven thousand Mamelukes who took part in it, only three hundred survived. The sultan called for a truce. King Hethum was happy to give it to him. Thereupon, remembering that he had always wanted to be a monk, he set his affairs in order, put a nephew on the throne, and traveled to the West.
The monk Haiton was not entirely correct when he said that all the Christian forces returned to Cyprus. He left out of account the handful of Templars who had remained on Ruad. From this small waterless island, the last remaining possession of the Templars, Jacques de Molay had hoped to send landing parties along the coast to recover the Holy Land. The island was well fortified, it had a good harbor, a fine church, tanks for storing rainwater. One day in 1303, the Mamelukes sent twenty ships to the island with ten thousand soldiers. They forced a landing, massacred most of the Templars, and sailed away. Only a few of the Templars on Ruad were able to reach Cyprus.
With the battle of Marj as-Saffar and the fall of Ruad, the Crusades truly came to an end. There would be raids on Tortosa, Acre, and Alexandria by ships based on Cyuprus, and from time to time popes and kings would announce forthcoming crusades either because it suited them to do so for political reasons or because they genuinely felt that such things were possible. Whatever their intentions, these crusades never took place.
Throughout the Crusades there had been a strange sense of fatality, a sense of doom. Even when the Crusades were at their height, when the kings of Jerusalem appeared to be in full control, there seemed to be something wanting. Seen from the villages and cities of the West, Jerusalem appeared in men’s eyes like a dream in shimmering Oriental colors, remote and inaccessible; and even those who walked through the streets of Jerusalem sometimes wondered whether they had really reached the place they had so desired to see. They had heard it called “Jerusalem the Golden,” and they imagined a city made of gold and rubies and emeralds. Instead, it was a dusty place, though the stones were the rich color of crusts of bread. No city created by man could live up to Jerusalem’s reputation. For two hundred years, proud men from the West fought a continuing battle for the city set on one of the mountains of the Judaean desert. For two hundred years, kings, princes, knights as well as the common people suffered from thirst and scorching heat to win and hold a city in the wilderness. Then at last they discovered that Jerusalem was not a geographical place. It was a place in the human heart.
Chapter Notes
REFERENCES are given in a shortened form. Thus Michaud I refers to the first volume of his History of the Crusades and MichaudB I refers to the first volume of his Bibliothèque des Croisades. Similarly HillR refers to Rosalind Hill’s edition of the anonymous Deeds of the Franks and the other Pilgrims to Jerusalem, and William refers to the History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea by William, Archbishop of Tyre. This work, together with René Grousset’s Histoire des Croisades et du Royaume franc de Jerusalem and the magnificent compilation of documents known as the Receuil des Historiens des Croisades, compiled between 1841 and 1906 and produced in gloriously printed elephant-sized folios, were by far the most impressive works I encountered during the seven years I studied the Crusaders.
28 EXCERPTS FROM A LETTER FROM THE EMPEROR . . . Le Febvre, 61
32 “ ‘Frenchmen,’ he began . . .” Krey, 30
33 “Distressing news has come to us . . .” Krey, 30-31
34 “Christian warriors . . .” Michaud, I, 51
35 “ ‘Yes, indeed . . .’ ” Michaud, I, 51
35 “ ‘It is Christ himself . . .’ ” Michaud, I, 51
36 EXCERPTS FROM A LETTER FROM POPE URBAN II . . . Krey, 45
38 “He was surrounded . . .” Munro, 34
42 “ ‘Noble and illustrious men . . .’ ” William, I, 105
44 “The Turks then invested . . .” HillR, 3-5
49 “Never before . . .” Comnena, 347
52 “ ‘In this way . . .’ ” William, I, 120
55 “ ‘Do not attack now . . .’ ” Comnena, 259
55 “ ‘Matters will turn out . . .’ ” Comnena, 261
60 “ ‘I really thought . . .’ ” Comnena, 265
60 “ ‘If I had all this treasure . . .’ ” Comnena, 266
60 “ ‘I never imagined . . .’ ” Comnena, 266
61 “ ‘He was a man . . .’ ” Comnena, 267
69 “ ‘As many of them . . .’ ” HillR, 15
71 “The women of our camp. . .’ ” HillR, 19
81 EXCERPTS FROM A LETTER FROM STEPHEN . . . Translations, I, 4
85 “. . . They flayed the Turks” (Source unknown)
88 “Knowing that no one was there . . .” D’Aguilers, 52
89 “Do you not know . . .” D’Aguilers, 53
90 “ ‘Lord, who shall abide . . .’ ” D’Aguilers, 55
92 “ ‘I not only desire . . .’ ” D’Aguilers, 100
96 “Those who were strong . . .” D’Aguilers, 118
97 “ ‘If you will attack . . .’ ” D’Aguilers, 117
103 EXCERPTS FROM A LETTER FROM DAIMBERT . . . Translations, I, 4
119 “ ‘they could be used . . .’ ” Fulcher, 154
125 “. . . the Saracens . . . lie in wait. . .” Munro, 67
136 “We who were . . .” Fulcher, 271
144 “ ‘a man of much wisdom . . .’ ” William, II, 148
145 “ ‘Would you like to see God . . .’ ” Ousama, 177
158 “During the fighting . . .” Odo, 118-120
159 “ ‘From this time . . .’ ” William, II, 196
168 “ ‘We should pity them . . .’ ” William II, 294
168 “ ‘There is no record . . .’ ” William, II, 294
171 “ ‘with extreme unwillingness . . .’ ” William, II, 321
186 “ ‘a man of proven loyalty . . .’ ” William, II, 418
188 “I thought of thee . . .” Lane-Poole, Saladin, 155
192 “ ‘I think that when . . .’ ” Gabrieli, 101
192 “You, who are the bulwark . . .” Gabrieli, 101
193 “Soft in gestures . . .” Chronicle, 140
195 “ ‘She sent to Saladin . . .’ ” Grousset, II, 737
196 “The leper child . . .’ ” Gabrieli, 114
199 “The new king will not last. . .’ ” Raynaud, 135
199 “ ‘Well then, I shall forgive . . .’ ” Raynaud, 136
202 “ Tiberias is mine . . .’ ” Grousset, II, 793
202 “ ‘Have no faith, Sire . . .’ ” Grousset, II, 793
205 “. . . we saw the tent . . .” Oman, I, 331
206 “ ‘I did only what princes . . .’ ” HRC, Le Livre des Deux Jardins, 275
207 “ I am therefore not bound . . .’ ” HRC, Jardins, 296
207 “ ‘I rode across the battlefield . . .” HRC, Jardins, 272-3
207 “ ‘This man is guilty . . .’ ” HRC, Jardins, 276
208 “ ‘men of pious and austere . . .’ ” HRC, Jardins, 277
211 “ ‘Sire, I have helped you . . .’ ” Bernard, 127
213 EXCERPTS FROM A LETTER FROM TERENCE . . . Hoveden, II, 68
214 EXCERPTS FROM A LETTER FROM FREDERICK I.. MichaudB, II, 664
214 EXCERPTS FROM A LETTER FROM SALADIN . . . MichaudB, II, 665
225 “ ‘From that hour . . .’ ” Hoveden, II, 176
225 “He shall cause persecution . . .” Hoveden, II, 182
236 ‘ “It will be a shame . . .’ ” Chronicle, 217
241 “. . . the Moslems sent in volleys . . .” Pernoud, Crusades, 189
242 “ ‘On hearing these words . . .’ ” Chronicle, 229
243 “ ‘For the space of two miles . . .’ ” Chronicle, 235
243 ‘ “My lord king . . .’ ” Chronicle, 238
244 “ ‘Then the king, the fierce . . .’ ” Chronicle, 239
246 A LETTER FROM RICHARD I . . . Hoveden, II, 221
247 EXCERPTS FROM A LETTER FROM RICHARD I . . . Hoveden, II, 223
250 ‘ “I sent these men here . . .’ ” Chronicle, 251
>
253 A LETTER FROM THE OLD MAN . . . MichaudB, II, 749
263 “ ‘They had come,’ they said . . .” Villehardouin, 5
264 “ ‘We consentl We consent! . . .’ ” Villehardouin, 8
265 “ ‘If you should ask him . . .’ ” Villehardouin, 11
269 ‘ “This was the greatest misfortune . . .’ ” Villehardouin, 22
271 “ ‘More than half the army . . .’ ” Villehardouin, 28
272 “ ‘What shall we do in Babylon . . .’ ” Clari, 59
272 “You should know that people . . .” Villehardouin, 31
274 “ ‘Do you recognize the young . . .’ ” Clari, 67
275 ‘ “The Greeks,’ wrote Villehardouin . . .” Villehardouin, 40
276 “ ‘When the emperor saw . . .’ ” Villehardouin, 43
278 “ ‘Will you pay?’ the Doge asked . . .” Clari, 83
280 ‘ “See, my lords . . .’ ” Clari, 98
281 “ ‘Hurry, my lords . . .’ ” Clari, 98
282 “ ‘I will tell you what . . .’ ” Clari, 124
291 “The scouts were sent ahead . . .” Vitry, 329
294 EXCERPTS FROM A LETTER FROM WILLIAM OF CHARTRES . . . Addison, 287
296 “ ‘the fishes of the sea . . .’ ” Peters, 71
297 “ ‘Our crossbows . . .’ ” Peters, 78
297 “As we entered the city . . .” Peters, 94
298 EXCERPTS FROM A LETTER FROM PETER OF MONTAGUE . . . Peters, 141
301 “ ‘This treaty will be observed . . .’ ” Peters, 132
310 “We have counselled loyally . . .” Novara, 75-76
311 “ ‘I will obey you willingly . . .’ ” Novara, 78
312 “ ‘I know that Balian is . . .’ ” Novara, 81
315 “ ‘I am your friend . . .’ ” Grousset, III, 303
317 EXCERPTS FROM A LETTER FROM THE EMPEROR . . . Peters, 162
