A series of cases involving New Orleans slave dealer Theophilus Freeman dealt with simulated sales and donations intended to defraud creditors. Freeman was an unscrupulous businessman who falsified slave ages, sold young children away from their parents, and whipped and kicked bondsmen in the slave pen . . . Freeman lived with his ex-slave and mistress, a mulatto laundress named Sarah Conner, who had purchased her freedom from him in 1841 for $700. Just after her emancipation Freeman’s finances became shaky, and he transferred most of his assets to her to avoid having them seized by creditors. He was arrested several times in 1845 because authorities feared he would flee the state. Litigation concerning Freeman’s fraudulent sales, secret donations, and transactions to Conner’s name continued until 1861, when it was interrupted by the Civil War, during which time Freeman left New Orleans. [See Schafer, 175]
The civil cases against the property of Theophilus Freeman include one, at least, for the value of his mistress, Sarah Conner, which found that Sarah Conner was entitled to her freedom on May 6, 1846 [See Dunbar vs. Conner et al.].
However, the Bank of Kentucky and its president and directors, as creditors of Theophilus Freeman, sued both Sarah Conner and Theophilus Freeman on November 9, 1846. The suit was to cancel the ruling allowing Sarah Conner her freedom and return her to status as property of Theophilus Freeman; her value then could be used to offset his debt. The judgment was made by default and then confirmed. Sarah Conner appealed to the Louisiana Supreme Court, but the judgment was sustained [See Bank of Kentucky vs. Conner et al.].
In another civil suit against Freeman in 1860, John Valentine, executor for the estate of Whiting Valentine, filed to be paid from assets held by the sheriff as the result of other creditors’ suits [See Theophilus Freeman vs. His Creditors].
Court cases against Theophilus Freeman include: Civil Code, Art. 190, p. 29; Union Bank of Maryland vs. Freeman, #4938, 3 Rob. 485 (1843); Mielkie vs. Freeman, #5238, 5 Rob. 524 (1843); Lambeth and Thompson vs. Freeman (Unreported) Commercial Court of New Orleans #6492 (1845); Freeman vs. Profilet, (Unreported) Parish Court of New Orleans (1845); Romer vs. Woods, #1846, 6 Louisiana Annual 29 (1851), 25; Freeman vs. his creditors, #948, 3 Louisiana Annual 669 (1848); Bank of Kentucky vs. Conner, #1315, 4 Louisiana Annual 365 (1849); Dunbar vs. Conner, Ann. 669 (1848); Dunbar vs. Conner, Unreported Louisiana Supreme Court Case #1700 (1850, 1851); Freeman vs. His Creditors, #6473, 15 Louisiana Annual 397 (1860).
29. Ebenezer Radburn testified on January 18, 1854, before the magistrate after the arrest in Washington, D.C., of James H. Birch, Benjamin O. Shekels, Benjamin A. Thorn, and Ebenezer Radburn. Radburn testified that he was forty-eight years old and the keeper of Williams Slave Pen. He said that he had known Birch for fourteen years. [See a sketch of Williams Slave Pen and a photo of Birch’s slave trading business in the Extras & More section of our website at www.TwelveYearsASlave.org].
30. A description of Freeman’s slave pen was left by Georgia slave John Brown in his memoirs. The layout of the slave pen suggests something of what a slave’s life might have been like in such a place. In a chapter of his book entitled “The Slave-Pen in New Orleans,” Brown recalled:
I have stated that the slave-pen to which I was taken, stood facing the St. Charles Hotel. It had formerly been an old Bank. It consisted of a block of houses forming a square, and covering perhaps an acre of ground. The centre of this square had been filled up with rubbish and stones, as high as the back of the first floor of the houses, so as to form a solid foundation for the yard of the pen, which, it will be understood, was level with the first floor, and nicely graveled for the slaves to take exercise in. The houses themselves were built upon brick pillars or piers, the spaces between which had been converted into stores. Of these there were a great number, one of them being used as the negro auction-room. The accommodation for the negroes consisted of three tiers of rooms, one above the other, the yard I have spoken of being common to all. There were two entrances to the pen, one for the ‘niggers,’ the other for visiters [sic] and buyers. The windows in front, which overlooked the street, were heavily barred, as were those which overlooked the yard. It was an awfully gloomy place, notwithstanding the bustle that was always going on in it.
I may as well describe here the order of the daily proceedings, as during the whole time I remained in the pen, they were, one day with the other, pretty much the same. A mulatto named Bob Freeman, and who was called the Steward, had charge of the arrangements that concerned the slaves. He had a great deal of power of a particular kind, and did very nearly what he liked in the way of making them comfortable or otherwise; shutting them up if he disliked them, or they displeased him: according as they favourites [sic] with him or not. The pen would contain about five hundred, and was usually full. The men were separated from the women, and the children from both; but the youngest and handsomest females were set apart as the concubines of the masters, who generally changed mistresses every week. I could relate, in connection with this part of my subject, some terrible things I know of, that happened. [See Brown, 110-111]
31. In the case of Radburn, his cruelty was apparently not tempered by the financial interests of the slave trading enterprise. Ward states in his book on Richmond that “scars upon a slave’s back were considered evidence of rebelliousness or unruly spirit and hurt his sale” [See Ward, 55].
32. Clemens Ray may be the man listed as Clem Woodard, #36, a nineteen year-old male, 5’7” tall, and of black complexion, one of the slaves of James H. Burch [sic] listed as sailing on the Orleans, March, 1841 [See Orleans manifest available in our Extras $ More section of our website www.TwelveYearsASlave.org].
33. John Williams is not listed among slaves in the Orleans manifest.
34. Randall appears to be listed on the manifest as #35, Rudal Ames, 4’7” tall. The size is consistent with a child [See Orleans manifest].
35. Emily Cooper #39, female, age 7, 3’7” tall, black complexion, is listed on the Orleans ship manifest as one of the slaves of James H. Burch [sic] [See Orleans manifest].
36. Eliza Cooper, renamed “Dradey” as a slave, is listed as #38 in the Orleans ship manifest, as a female twenty-seven years old, 5’5” tall, black complexion, on May 24, 1841 [See Orleans manifest].
37. In 1850 Elisha Berry, sixty-three, lived in Prince Edward County, Maryland, in a household headed by Deborah Burgess, owner of five slaves. Deborah Burgess’s real property is listed as $3,500. According to the U.S. Census of 1850, Elisha Berry had no occupation. Three other males lived in the household: Richard Berry, thirty, whose occupation is listed as farmer; Dorsey Berry, twenty-seven, carpenter; and Walter Berry, twenty-five, millwright. A woman, Sarah R., is also listed as a member of the household [See Bureau of Census, 1850].
38. In 1850 Jacob Brooks, a sixty-seven year old mulatto and free man of color, lived in the household with Jane, whom Wilson identifies as the daughter of Elisha Berry. Jane is described as black in color, along with Jane Ridgly, ten years old, and Sarah Ridgly, twelve years old, both black. All were free. No occupation is listed for Jacob Brooks [See Bureau of the Census, 1840; 1850].
39. A pioneer Louisiana geographer, Samuel H. Lockett, a professor at Louisiana State Seminary at Pineville (later to become Louisiana State University and moved to Baton Rouge) wrote:
Red River: the next most important river in Louisiana [to the Mississippi] is Red River, the only tributary of the Mississippi flowing in from the west within the limits of the state. Red River flows diagonally across Louisiana, from northwest to southeast, and thus occupies a position of the utmost possible importance. In many respects it is very similar to the Mississippi. Its waters are excessively turbid, and of a deep red color; its current is swift; its banks are constantly washing away at one point and building up at another; cut-offs are frequent; islands, old rivers, and abandoned channels are numerous; bayous are sent off from the parent stream; overflows and crevasses occur; in fact, all the phenomena of the greater stream may be observed in the lesse
r. [See Lockett, 122]
In 1869 Lockett surveyed Louisiana traveling across the state on horse or mule, by buggy, sulky, train, and even boat. His work was not published by the impoverished state until 1969 [See Lockett, 122].
Chapter Four
40. Jacob Brooks, a mulatto and free man of color, according to the U.S. Census, 1840, is described in endnote 38 [See Bureau of the Census, 1840].
41. According to the U.S. Census, Elisha Berry lived in a household with individuals, one of whom may have been his wife. He is listed as having no business. There is no evidence that he had a plantation [See Bureau of the Census, 1840]. For more information, see note 37.
42. Goodin at the Richmond slave pen, like Theophilus Freeman, is described as being greeted as a friend of Birch, the circumstances appearing to connect him with Birch as a business associate or, perhaps, a partner. Richmond had a significant slave market:
Richmond was the center of the Southern slave trade and in the late antebellum era thousands of slaves were sold yearly from Virginia to feed the cotton boom in the lower South. Most of these slaves left Virginia through Richmond. The purchase and resale of slaves was a highly profitable and highly visible business as public slave auctions became increasingly common in Richmond . . . The auctions linked the city with the countryside and with the larger regional economy. Slaves were vital in Richmond, not only for their labor but for their marketability. [See Tyler-McGraw and Kimball, 2]
In the Richmond directory for 1840 there were fifteen slave traders listed [See Tyler-McGraw and Kimball, 27-28]. Research in Richmond was performed by attorney Jonathan Blank.
43. Robert is likely Robert Jones, the last slave listed of those slaves traveling on the Orleans. He is described as being thirty-five years old, 5’7” tall, yellow complexion, from Dayton, Ohio [See the Orleans manifest in the Extras & More section of our website at www.TwelveYearsASlave.org]. He was captured through exactly the same technique as that used in Solomon Northup’s kidnapping. The editor is indebted to David Fiske, Saratoga Springs, New York, who provided the manifest of the Orleans, which he located at the National Archives. According to the manifest the Master of the brig Orleans was William Wickham, who sailed with crew and passengers from Richmond, Virginia, on April 27, 1841, and from Norfolk, Virginia, on May 1, 1841, for the Port of New Orleans [See Orleans manifest].
44. David (listed is a “Davy Singleton, 22, 5’3” tall) and Caroline Parnell, age 20, 5’2” tall, are listed on the manifest of the Orleans as being shipped by George M. Barnes to Theo. Freeman.
45. A slave named Mary McCoy, 16, 5’1” from Norfolk, was shipped by Barnes to Freeman in New Orleans, according to the manifest of the Orleans. Mary McCoy was also the name of a plantation owner referenced by Northup in Chapter 20.
46. Lethe Shelton, 25, 5’ tall, listed as brown, was one of the forty-one slaves on the Orleans.
47. William Wickham was master of the brig, sailing with forty slaves from Richmond to New Orleans on May 21, 1841. A group of nine of the slaves were shipped by James H. Burch [sic] to New Orleans, arriving May 24, 1841. F. Jacobs signed the information written on the manifest as inspector.
Chapter Five
48. “Platt Hamilton” is #33 on the manifest of the brig Orleans (note the surname is that of Abram Hamilton, the pseudonym of one of the kidnappers), twenty-six, 5’7” tall, yellow complexion. [See the Orleans manifest in the Extras & More section of our website at www.TwelveYearsASlave.org].
49. No Frederick is listed. Henry Wallace, fifty, 5’7” tall, with brown complexion, is listed as #4 on the Orleans manifest. Another Henry, Henry Williams, twenty-five, is listed as #29, 5’5” tall and having a black complexion, but there is a seventeen-year-old boy, Joe Singleton, 5’3” tall, black, who is #8.
50. Maria, #31 on the Orleans manifest, might have been Birch’s slave, Mehala Irvin, 23, 5’6” tall and black. The names of slaves were often changed by masters, and the age is about right.
51. Arthur Curtis, unnumbered on the manifest, kidnapped in Norfolk, Virginia, is the second slave listed on page 2 of the manifest with his description as a twenty-two year-old male, 5’10” tall and black. The fact that the man was kidnapped and then held in a Norfolk slave pen until the Orleans arrived may also link him as a victim of the Reverse Underground Railroad based in Washington, D.C. He is listed as one of Birch’s slaves [See Orleans manifest].
52. Number 1 on the Orleans manifest was Cuff Singleton, 40, a male 5’6” tall with black complexion; #28 was Jim Whiteus, 27, 6’ tall, black. There were eight young women in their twenties on the Orleans manifest list of slaves, one of whom may have answered to the name “Jenny” [See Orleans manifest].
53. A note regarding Robert Jones, who was one of Birch’s nine slaves shipped on the brig Orleans to Freeman’s slave pen in New Orleans, was included in the report of Master Wickam inscribed across page 2: “Examined and found correct with the exception of Robert Jones, who Captain Wickham states, died on the voyage. New Orleans, 24 May 1841. Signed by T. Jacobs, Imp rt” [See Orleans manifest].
54. Manning did as he had promised in mailing the letter, but a copy was never found. Confirmation that it was mailed came from Henry B. Northup. He acknowledged in an affidavit that he had received the letter, but since Solomon was in chains aboard a ship and did not know his destination, he could do nothing more than guess Solomon’s destination.
55. Eliza is listed by her slave name as #38 Dradey Cooper. Her children are #39 Emily Cooper, age 7, 3’7” tall, and #35 Rudal Ames, age 11, 4’7” tall, who is the boy Randall mentioned in the narrative [See Orleans manifest].
56. Henry Hyman, who is #3 on the manifest, was 40, 5’8” and black complexion, and #30 is Lethe Shelton, 25, 5’ tall with brown complexion; they are listed among the forty-one slaves aboard the Orleans. Henry and Harry could be the same person [See Orleans manifest].
Chapter Six
57. Theophilus Freeman and James H. Birch had been partners at an earlier date and maintained “a relationship”; Birch shipped slaves to Freeman’s slave pen.
58. During the early nineteenth century, life on the western frontier with Louisiana at its fringe revolved around land. Bayou Boeuf planters of central Louisiana, all with small plantations, had their investments mostly in their slaves, and many of the slaves were mortgaged. To complete the essential work to support a plantation on Bayou Boeuf, the planter and slaves were interdependent, and the planter’s goal was to maintain the plantation in order to earn a profit. Thus, while there were cruel slave owners who whipped their slaves regardless of the economic consequences, there were others who did not inflict damage on their property out of self-interest or who were genuinely non-violent.
59. The U.S. Census for Louisiana, 1810-1890, lists thirteen males named Carr as living in New Orleans [See Bureau of U.S. Census, 1810-1890].
60. The Hospital of St. John, or the Charity Hospital, was established in 1740 during the French colonial period. The poor were taken care of there. Ursuline nuns cared for patients after 1770. The hospital was destroyed by a hurricane and rebuilt in 1779 by Andres Almonester y Rojas during the Spanish period. Under Almonester the name of the hospital was changed to St. Carlos. It was destroyed, this time by fire, but was again rebuilt by Almonester [See Prichard. LSUA now has the editor’s copy, given to her by the widow of Dr. Prichard].
61. Microfilm of the Charity Hospital admissions records for this period is on file at the New Orleans Public Library and confirms Northup’s statement regarding his stay there [See Charity Hospital Admission Records].
62. [See Charity Hospital Admission Records].
63. The sale of Solomon Northup (as Platt), Eliza (as Dradey), and Harry to William Prince Ford can be viewed in the sale papers recorded in Notarial Acts of New Orleans. Platt, then thirty-three years of age, was listed as twenty-three years old, and Dradey was probably older than twenty. Since youthful age with years of service ahead brought higher prices, the ages of slaves were routinely low
ered at a sale. For the men, $900 each and $700 for Dradey were prices in keeping with slave prices of 1841.
The signatures of Freeman and William Prince Ford appear on the front and back of the sale papers. Included also are witnesses F.N. Newton and Alphonse Barnett with Schraw Barnett, officer of the court [Notarial Acts of New Orleans, June 23, 1841, XVII, 670. See image of actual conveyance record of Solomon/Platt to Ford in the Extras & More section of our website at www.TwelveYearsASlave.org].
64. Emily is listed as a seven-year-old black female. Freeman may not have known the rules for inclusion in the famous quadroon balls; qualifications included skin of light color, as implied by the word “quadroon,” and years of preparation. It is unlikely Emily would have qualified as one of the elite, although Freeman may have had in mind a sale to an individual not among the privileged group for whom the quadroon balls were staged.
65. “Her infant voice grew faint and still more faint”—describing seven-year-old Emily—is an example of Wilson’s dramatic writing style.
Chapter Seven
66. The Rodoph was a regular carrier in the commerce between New Orleans and the inland port of Alexandria [See Bennett to Turrell and Calhoun].
67. Voluminous documents of George W. Kelso [spelled Kelsow in text] are located in the archives at Louisiana State University, Alexandria, Louisiana. Judge John Clement, who presided over a lengthy case related to Kelso’s estate, wrote September 19, 1892, that George W. Kelso was seventy-two years old and resided at his plantation on Bayou Robert on the northwest side of the road along the bayou, about ten miles south of Alexandria. He had been at this location since 1840. In the U.S. Census report of slaves in 1850, George W. Kelso owned 330 slaves, 162 of which were employed in agriculture. He died in 1854 and left a will that brought strong dissent from descendants from the time of his death until this court case years later [See Conveyance Record Q, 379-380].
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