by Dale Brown
“The dark gray one is an RC-135X radar reconnaissance plane, ” Stone explained. “The fairings you see house the multimode radars with the inverse synthetic aperture and pulseDoppler systems, which we’ll use to map out ship and troop locations; it can also slave its radar to radiation-detection sensors to map out locations of search, acquisition, fire control, and missile uplink transmitters, and in an emergency we can arm it with antiradar missiles. I believe you’ll be installing a PACER SKY set and your communications complex on him so he can receive your PACER SKY data and transmit his data directly here. “The other is one of SAC’s EC-135L radio relay aircraft. We’ll be using him on the first few missions to make sure we get a good feed from the recon planes.” He paused for a moment, then said, “This is a good way of conducting strategic reconnaissance. Lots of planes, lots of crew dogs, not much sleep. Frankly… I still trust this method. No offense, Doctor Masters.”
“None taken, ” Jon said. “I’m sure the crews will enjoy the tropical weather, because they won’t be doing much flying. My NIRTSats’ll work just fine.” The commander of the Strategic Air Command STRATFOR gave the young scientist an amused nod. This guy’s got confidence, Stone had to admit. He wasn’t afraid to place his trust in this high-tech crap, although none of it had ever been tested in fast-changing, demanding combat conditions. Unfortunately, it was cockiness like this that usually got such operations in big trouble. “What exactly is the plan for these recon flights?” Elliott asked. “Simple, ” Stone replied. “We’re going to do the southern Philippines first; the Chinese defenses are weaker. RC- 135 no less than one hundred miles off the coast, well within radar range but nothing too provocative-I got that word loud and clear from JCS. AWACS close enough to monitor the Philippine coast and all our aircraft. Two hundred miles east, we put the EC-135. Between the AWACS and the carriers, we put a Navy E-2 Hawkeye radar plane to control escort fighters coming from the carriers. The Navy will put up tankers to service their fighters after takeoff; we’ll have a KC-10 nearby to service all aircraft involved in the recon operation.”
“How many fighter escorts will you have up?” “Not enough, ” Stone replied grimly. “JCS asked for eight per aircraft; we’re only getting two. Apparently the White House thought eight fighters per looked too much like an invasion force.”
“So if there’s any trouble . . .” Elliott said. “We run like hell, ” Stone answered. “The fighters cover the withdrawal; they don’t engage. But we’re not expecting any trouble. We’ll be far enough offshore that we won’t seem like a threat. The Chinese should lay off.” The sight across the road from the south apron commanded instant attention; it was a huge black B-52, with a tall, pointed tail, glistening polished steel skin, and racks of bombs hanging from hardpoints under each wing. Masters asked, “What’s that? Some sort of memorial?”
“The Arc Light Memorial, ” Colonel Fusco replied. “Dedicated to the men who flew the heavy bombing missions over Vietnam. That was one of the B-52s that made the last bomb run over North Vietnam in 1972-Old 100, ‘ the one-hundredth B-52, built in 1955. We keep her in tiptop shape-in fact, it’s still considered an operational aircraft. The memorial was dedicated on the first anniversary of the return of the POWs from Vietnam.”
“I’ve crawled all over a B-2, ” Masters said, “and I know the avionics system on the Space Shuttle like the back of my hand, but you know, I’ve never seen a B-52 this close before. Weird, huh? That thing is just plain huge.” The other men nodded. It was a war machine with which they all had had very personal experiences. For all of them who flew it, they recalled times when the B-52, seemingly all at once, had tried to kill them and had saved them-such was the nature of that black monster. It was a killing machine that demanded one hundred percent from every man who touched it. Masters stared at the plane and commented on its size, but it had not taken any part of him yet-these two entities, the young scientist and the metallic black monster, were probably born about the same time. For the others, it had affected their lives forever. The group fell silent as Fusco turned around and headed back to the Sixty-fifth Strategic Squadron building. On the way back, Stone’s aide, Krieg, turned to Elliott and asked, “Did you fly Arc Light, sir?”
“Two years, ” Elliott replied. “Sixty-one sorties. Took an 5A-2 missile in the shorts and bailed out over the South China Sea in 1968. I might’ve even flown Old 100 a few times. But I wouldn’t know. I never really saw the machines, you see. Instead, I saw the men-wondering whether the machine was going to let them live… or die. God, this brings back memories. None of them pleasant, Elliott added to himself. In his opinion, they had had the power to end the Vietnam War five years earlier. By conducting heavy bombing and harbor-mining missions in 1972, they had forced an end to the war, but by then it was too late. The American people had had enough of it, and “Vietnamization” and “withdrawal with honor”and, ultimately, defeat-were preferable to nightly news reports of mounting casualties. There was something to be learned here, Elliott thought, and after a few sobering minutes thinking about the men he M knew that had died in the Vietnam War, he was glad Fusco had brought them to the Arc Light Memorial before this new Philippine operation started. America had devastating air power back then, Elliott thought-just as now. They controlled the skies over North Vietnam, they controlled the harbors, they neutralized the NVA Air Force and ultimately defeated the dense antiaircraft defenses-but they still lost the war. They lost the Vietnam War because the decision to employ America’s massive air forces was delayed and canceled and “committeed” and “staffed” to death. Although he did not have a direct role in the Philippine operation, and was not in the operational chain of command, Elliott knew that it was his duty to see that those mistakes did not happen again. They had the power to control the escalation and force their will on the Chinese and anyone else involved in this crisis-they had to take the lead. They had to formulate a clearly defined, obtainable objective in this crisis and do everything in their power to achieve that objective. And it had to be done quickly. THE WHITE HOUSE OVAL OFFICE, WASHINGTON, D.C. 28 SEPTEMBER 1994, 0712 HOURS LOCAL (29 SEPTEMBER, 2012 GUAM TIME) It was very early in the morning for a White House meeting, but President Lloyd Emerson Taylor had been up for two hours and had been fully briefed on the progress of the military operations in the Philippines. He was receiving his first official visitor of the day: Hao Sun Yougao, Chinese ambassador to the United States. This meeting had been called two days earlier, and there had been several meetings between Hao and Secretary of State Dennis Danahall, but this was Hao’s first appearance with the President of the United States since the nuclear explosion. Almost everyone in Washington liked Hao Sun Yougao. He was young, energetic, and had an infectious smile that instantly put one at ease. But that smile was dim this day, and the tension was palpable as Paul Cesare showed Hao to a seat and the President took his. They were accompanied by Danahall, Secretary of Defense Thomas Preston, and Attorney General Richard Benson, the President’s brother-in-law; Hao was accompanied by a young woman who was introduced as his secretary and interpreter, should he require one; he did not give her name. Tea was poured as the meeting began: “Ambassador Hao, the silence from Beijing has us all concerned, ” the President said. “Premier Cheung has not contacted me directly, nor has he made any public appearances since the disaster. The nuclear explosion near the Philippines, your rapid mobilization of forces, and your actions in the Philippines are cause for great concern in our country. Do you have a message for this government or an explanation of your government’s plans to deal with the natural disaster and the political upheaval in the Pacific?” Hao seemed to consider the question for a moment, although all of the Americans in the room knew that he was a professional and had probably rehearsed every conceivable question and every possible response a dozen times in the past few days, preparing for this meeting. With slow deliberateness, Hao replied, “Yes, Mr. President. Comrade Cheung wishes to extend his warmest greetings to you. He is saddened and distraught
by the disaster that has occurred. He wishes to express his sincere wish that peace be preserved at all costs.”
“Very noble sentiments, Mr. Ambassador, ” the President said noncommittally, “ones that we all share, of course. But… you have significant naval forces in the Philippines, you have mobilized strategic forces, including nuclear-capable forces, throughout Asia, and you seem to be on a wartime footing although the rest of the world is not. Forgive me for being so blunt but, Mr. Ambassador, but what the hell is going on?”
“Mr. President, I’m sure you realize the complicated, confused situation we find ourselves in, ” Ambassador Hao said. “The government of China found itself torn between a monstrous event and the resultant threat to our security, and the request for assistance that came because of the incident. Our government had no choice but to act, in the hope that our presence could help restore stability to the area and help calm a destructive political situation.”
“So you’re saying that you have no desire to occupy portions of the Philippines?” Thomas Preston asked the Chinese diplomat. “You will remove your military forces from the Philippines once calm is restored?”
“I cannot say how our military forces will be deployed, Mr. Secretary, now or in the future, ” Hao replied sincerely, “simply because 1 do not know this information. Mr. Ambassador, in my opinion the Chinese military presence in the Philippines is destabilizing and unwarranted, ” the President said. “Trade, immigration, free passage, communications, and political stability were all assured before your country’s intervention. Why does your government now feel it so necessary to occupy parts of the Philippines?”
“I assure you, Mr. President, China occupies no part of the Philippines…”
“I have information that states Chinese troops have occupied several military bases in and around Manila and on the islands of Palawan and Cebu. Is my information inaccurate?”
“Mr. President, the Philippine government requested our assistance in controlling an uprising by well-armed fanatical rebel troops, ” Hao replied. “Any action we took was at the specific request of the Philippine government, in complete cooperation with that government-“
“With President Mikaso’s permission?” the President interrupted. Hao paused for a moment; the question obviously took him by surprise. “I have received word, Mr. President, that President Mikaso is no longer in power. I do not know any details of this. I am sorry, but I assumed you had that information as well…”
“I have information that Mikaso is dead.” Hao’s Adam’s apple bobbed conspicuously, and his eyes grew wider as he said, “I do not know this, Mr. President. Is it true?”
“My sources inform me that Mikaso was killed by Chinese soldiers, Mr. Ambassador. Do you deny this?’ Hao’s face registered true surprise, although it was uncharacteristically understated for the usually animated Chinese liaison. “I cannot confirm nor deny this, Mr. President. I have no wish to doubt your word, but I must be certain of this.”
“I am certain as I need to be, Ambassador Hao, ” the President said. “I have a great fear that your government, or your military, is ready to occupy the Philippines for good. Tell me I am mistaken, Mr. Ambassador.”
“I may only offer assurances, Mr. President, ” Hao said immediately. “The Chinese are no threat to the United States, and we do not seek any sort of confrontation whatsoever with any power. We are in the Philippines at the request of the Philippine government, and we have the right to offer aid and assistance in any manner consistent with our own national interests. The Americans had troops in the Philippines for nearly a century, as you well know, and no one dared question your right to be there.”
“That’s because no foreign power saw our presence there as a threat, ” Thomas Preston said. “We were a force of regional stability-” “Against the aggression and dominance of the Soviet Union, yes, ” Hao said. “But you opposed Chinese trade and national security interests as well, something that hurt our efforts to grow and become part of the global economy.”
“I will not debate the effect of history on the development of China, Mr. Ambassador, ” the President said. “I will simply say the American people are very worried about the actions your government is taking in the Philippines, and they and the Congress want action.” He paused to let the import of his words sink in a bit; then: “I believe I can wait no more than thirty days before taking direct action against China, Mr. Ambassador.”
“You already have two aircraft carrier battle groups in the Philippine Sea, ” Hao said, “and another approaching the Celebes Sea. The Philippines are surrounded by American warships. Are you not already taking substantial action?”
“The American people want to know when the Chinese will be leaving the Philippines, Mr. Ambassador, ” the President emphasized. “I want to know the same thing. Do you have an answer?”
“My government did not inquire of you when you would be leaving Grenada, or Panama, or Saudi Arabia. “Listen carefully, Mr. Ambassador . . .” the President said with growing impatience. “I want to know what your government’s intentions are in the Philippines, and I haven’t heard a straight answer from you yet. Your government’s actions have been hostile and furtive, Ambassador, and I don’t like it. For the past twenty years, we’ve had a policy of openness and trust between our countries. We consulted each other on important world matters. Ever since the Tian’anmen Square massacre, your government has cut off most communications with us. That breeds distrust and caution.”
“Mr. President, I assure you, my government does not seek to disrupt any ties with the Americans. “Don’t tell me, show me. Nothing but your actions will prove to me what your country’s intentions are. But let me tell you what I intend to do: “We will use all our available intelligence resources to discover how many troops you have in the Philippines, and we will begin a program to match, and then exceed, that number. We may not succeed, but with cooperation from the Association of South East Asian Nations and other countries we may come close. In addition we will seek to surpass the number of warships you have in the Philippines, and we’ll sail those ships freely in international waters, as close to your vessels as international law allows. We expect no interference, but let m assure you that our warships will be authorized to defends themselves to the maximum extent should there be any threatening moves made against our forces. “I want the government of China to make a public announcement clearly outlining your objectives and plans for your actions in the Philippines; but in any case, I want China to reduce the number of troops it has in the Philippines by one-half within thirty days, unless a compelling reason is given why you should remain. I also want Arturo Mikaso to be released from custody or his body turned over to his family and let them as well as his close advisers be released; and if it is found that Mikaso was killed by Chinese soldiers, I want those responsible brought to trial. China does not operate in a vacuum, Mr. Ambassador-you are responsible for your actions. You cannot invent arguments for naked acts of aggression and expect the rest of the world to play along.” The rapid-fire flurry of demands put Hao on the defensive. He glanced over at his aide to be sure she was taking notes, then said in a flat voice, “My government will make a full disclosure-“
“I should also advise you that this government views the sharp escalation in offensive strategic forces in China a serious threat to world peace and security; we see it as an unwarranted and belligerent act that is clearly over and above any reasonable response to outside military pressure, ” the President interrupted. “I want China to reduce the number of offensive strategic forces it has on alert and return to a less threatening, more defensive posture. Otherwise the United States and our allies will be forced to respond by increasing strategic force postures as well. China will then be responsible for a serious military escalation that will ultimately lead to disaster. “There should be no doubt in your minds that we consider this Chinese military buildup in the Philippines a threat to American national security interests, and we will
respond accordingly. You may take that message to your government.” The President sat back in his seat, paused for a few moments, then said, “Do you have anything further for me, Mr. Ambassador?” The Chinese ambassador to the United States remained impassive and stone-faced throughout the President’s allocution. “I will take your message to my government immediately, ” Hao Sun Yougao replied, “and convey your requests and concerns to Comrade Cheung. . . personally.”
“Personally?” Secretary of State Dennis Danahall interjected, exchanging a quick glance with the President and his advisers. “You’ve been recalled?”
“I regret to inform you that I have, Mr. Secretary, Hao said. “The situation obviously requires careful study and discussion, and it was felt that these discussions should take place directly, in Beijing. With your permission, my deputy charge will be available to serve you. The Americans looked at each other with some surprise; this move was completely unexpected. “Why is your government pulling you out?” the President asked. “I’m sure you understand how this will appear in the press, Mr. Ambassador, ” Danahall said. “They’ll jump all over this. They’ll see it as a prelude to a major conflict, perhaps war. “No one wants war, Mr. Secretary, ” Hao said. “We only seek peace, security, and stability for all nations. But China has also been asked for assistance, and in a region of the globe so important to us-and less important to you, I feel-it is vital that we respond. My government feels it is important that interference in our affairs be minimized until the extent of the disruption in the Philippines can be properly assessed.” The President glared at Hao. “I hope your government understands our side of this matter and responds quickly to our requests, ” he said to Hao. “In the meantime you know what we will be doing.” The President rose to his feet and Hao followed suit. “Joyous wishes to you and to your family, Mr. President, ” Hao said. The two men shook hands, Hao bowing deeply from the waist, and he exchanged greetings with the rest of the President’s Cabinet members and departed, escorted out of the Oval Office by Paul Cesare. When Hao was gone, the Secretary of State turned to the President. “I can schedule teleconferences with the British Foreign Minister immediately, sir . . “Do it, ” the President replied. “Get the ‘leadership’ together for a luncheon meeting if you can; if not, schedule a few hours this afternoon for briefings.” Danahall departed, leaving the President with his brother-in-law and Secretary of Defense Preston. “What do you think, Thomas?” the President asked. “What’s Cheung up to?”
