by Dale Brown
“This is an unexpected but certainly welcome visit, gentlemen,” President Martindale began politely. “We all knew that you were both in our country visiting military installations and preparing to address the United Nations. I’m glad we have this chance to get together.” The Koreans bowed in thanks.
Unexpected, yes — welcome, no, the President thought. Nearing the end of a tumultuous first term in the White House, following two terms as Vice President, the fifty-one-year-old divorced Texan, a former state attorney general, U.S. senator, and secretary of defense, was in the midst of the greatest fight of his long political life. He was knowledgeable in foreign and military affairs, but it seemed that almost every foreign policy decision he had made in recent years, especially those involving his military forces, had cost him dearly at home. And having Asian political and military leaders pop in on him at the White House was never good news.
“We thank you most profoundly for the honor of meeting with you in person, Mr. President,” Minister Kang said formally. Kang was pudgy, with thick glasses and greased-back straight black hair. He was a sharp contrast to General Kim’s wiry body, chiseled face, and cold, steady eyes. Nonetheless, despite Kang’s disarming features, Martindale knew he was an expert strategist and businessman, the former head of one of the most powerful oceangoing shipping companies in the world.
As impressive as Kang’s background was, General Kim’s was even more so. He had risen through the ranks from conscript to chairman of the chiefs of staff of the South Korean military. He had survived innumerable purges, dismissals, and outright assassination attempts, only to emerge stronger and wiser after every encounter with his foes. Kevin Martindale stared into Kim’s eyes and saw the general staring unabashedly right back at him, unblinking, challenging.
What was it like, Martindale asked himself, to live in a country like South Korea? The entire peninsula had been a pawn in an Asian chess match spanning many centuries. Like so many other world hot spots today — Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Germany, Africa, Israel, the Balkans — his country was spawned out of the ashes of war, trampled, blood-soaked land divided up between conquering invaders. But because the lines drawn on a map rarely take into account the social and cultural differences of a nation, the warring never ended for countries like South Korea. Kim’s country had known either foreign occupation or political and societal schizophrenia for centuries. What was that like? It sounded like an unending civil war.
Martindale noticed Kim give him a subtle smile and a nod before resuming his unblinking stare. It was as if he knew what Martindale was thinking and was thanking him for trying to understand. Although the President did not show it, Kim gave him the creeps. There was a war raging in that man’s head as well as in his homeland, the President decided.
Jerrod Hale noted Kim’s defiant gaze. He shifted his position slightly. It had the desired effect: it caught Kim’s attention. “I hope you’re finding your tour of our military installations informative, General Kim,” Hale said when Kim looked at him, his voice neutral, neither friendly nor challenging. The translator passed along Hale’s words; Kim bowed deeply in response but remained silent. The two men looked at each other unblinkingly. But Jerrod Hale, a former Los Angeles County prosecutor and police commissioner and a longtime political ramrod, took intimidation from no one. As he stood by the most powerful man in the Western world, in the most prized hall of power on earth, General Kim respectfully averted his eyes.
“Mr. President, I wanted to personally deliver to you some very disturbing and alarming evidence that we recently acquired,” Minister Kang said. He withdrew a folder from a briefcase. “I apologize if these pictures offend your sensibilities, Mr. President. I only offer them because of the enormous gravity of the situation they portend.”
Martindale studied them, his eyes narrowing in shock, then wordlessly passed them along to Vice President Whiting. She swallowed a gasp when she saw the photograph of the mangled, emaciated corpse of the North Korean fighter pilot. “Please explain, Minister Kang,” Martindale said.
“This starving, near-frozen man was at the controls of a North Korean attack jet that was shot down over South Korea,” Kang responded. “He was en route to Seoul.”
“An attack jet?” Secretary Chastain asked.
“A fighter-bomber on a one-way suicide mission, carrying two gravity bombs,” General Kim said via the translator. “Two nuclear bombs.”
Whiting’s mouth opened in surprise; Chastain and the President exchanged shocked expressions. “My God!” the President gasped. “Were they live weapons? Fully functional? What yield?”
“Older but fully functioning weapons of Chinese design, in perhaps the six-hundred-kiloton-yield range,” Kang replied. He handed Chastain a folder. “Here is an analysis of the weapons, as conducted by our military intelligence division. It is in effect a standard Chinese medium-range ballistic missile reentry vehicle warhead, modified for gravity bomb use. A rather dated design, not very efficient or reliable. Discarded many decades ago by Communist China because of a lack of safety features, large design, and heavy carriage weight.”
“Were the weapons destroyed when you shot down the aircraft?” Chastain asked.
“No.”
“Then you recovered them?” Kang nodded. “Were they intact?”
“Yes, sir,” Kang replied. “The weapons have filled in many vital pieces of a giant puzzle that our intelligence agencies have been investigating for years. We have suspected the presence of nuclear weapons in the North, but now, after examining the components of the bombs, we have pinpointed the locations of several bases and facilities that manufacture these and other weapons of mass destruction.
“What we now know, Mr. President, is that the Communists have nine key bases, mostly in the north close to the Chinese border and in the central part of the country,” Kang went on. “They not only manufacture and stockpile nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons, but they are also staging bases for air and rocket attacks using these weapons against targets in the South, against Japan, and against American bases as far away as Alaska. The evidence is incontrovertible.”
“Jesus,” the President murmured. He turned to Hale. “Jerrod, get Admiral Balboa and Director Plank over here immediately.” Hale was dialing his staff before the President finished the order.
“We would like to examine these weapons as soon as possible and assist in destroying them,” Secretary Chastain said. “We would also like to examine your intelligence material, allow us to update our own records, and verify your data with our own intelligence assets.”
The President noted that, after the translation, General Kim seemed agitated, as if barely controlling his rising anger. Minister Kang hesitated uneasily for a moment, glancing at Kim nervously, then replied, “I have provided all the pertinent information on the incident and the weapons in that file, Mr. President.”
“Does that mean you don’t want to let us see those weapons, Minister?” Martindale asked.
Again, Kang squirmed uneasily. “Mr. President, we will of course gladly provide you and your intelligence staff with anything you request.” Hearing the translator’s version, General Kim seemed irritated at the equivocal statement, but he said nothing. Kang went on: “But I have been instructed to beg you for your advice and assistance in dealing with the threat from the Communists in the North once and for all. The threat to our peace and security is real, and it is at the breaking point. My government feels it must act.”
“Act? How? In what way? What do you want us to do?”
Kang took a deep breath, then said, “Mr. President, we plan to invade North Korea and destroy all of the bases identified as attack staging locations. We want the attack to begin immediately, within the next two or three days.”
“What?” Martindale exclaimed. “You want to attack North Korea? That’s insane!”
“Mr. President, the inevitable fact is that one of two things will happen,” Kang explained. “Either North Korea will be emboldene
d or provoked into attacking my country, or it will collapse under the sheer weight of its corrupt, bankrupt, and morally wasted system of government. A revolution or coup is impossible; President Kim is far more ruthless than his father. The North will not shed communism like East Germany because it is more isolated politically, geographically, and socioeconomically than the European Communist nations.”
“It will also not shed communism because of the influence of China,” the President interjected, “and that’s a major reason why any military attack against North Korea will result in disaster — China will certainly come to North Korea’s aid. At best, an attack will ignite another war on the Korean peninsula. At worst, it could start a global nuclear war.”
“If I may speak frankly, sir,” Kang said, referring to recent events all too vivid in the President’s memory, “the world’s opinion was that an attack by any nation against an American aircraft carrier, or against such a strategically important territory as the island of Guam, would be immediately met by a full thermonuclear retaliation. Yet this did not happen…”
“We don’t know the Independence was attacked by China,” Secretary of Defense Arthur Chastain retorted, almost apologetically. “It could’ve been any number of terrorist groups…” But then he fell silent. The follow-up to that was obvious: there was no doubt about who had attacked Taiwan or Guam.
The President held up a hand. “Arthur, no need to try to come to my defense,” he said. “Yes, I suppose I had every right to order a full nuclear retaliation against China. I suppose if I had, few would have said I acted rashly or without sufficient provocation. Our nuclear forces had been fully mobilized, and the location of China’s ICBMs and nuclear bomber fleet was pinpointed. And it is true that we’ve spent trillions of dollars developing a force to deter such an attack, but when deterrence failed, I did not use those forces.”
The President leaned forward, looked Kang in the eye, and said, “The world might very well believe ours is a hollow force, that if we can’t protect our own forces and won’t avenge an attack against a vital territory, we certainly won’t come to the aid of a foreign ally. Is that what South Korea believes now, Minister Kang? Do you feel that the United States won’t protect you? Do you believe we’re so impotent?”
Before Kang could respond, Martindale glanced at General Kim and got his answer: absolutely. Kim clearly believed that the United States would not risk war with China if North Korea invaded the South.
“Of course not, Mr. President,” Minister Kang replied, looking Martindale in the eye in return. “The United States is a valuable and trusted ally, and it will always be so. But there are many in my government who feel that the time for reckoning is upon us and that we gain the upper hand by taking the initiative.”
General Kim spoke, sharply and resolutely. Kang did not even attempt to stop him. The translator said, “The general says, ‘The threat is real, Mr. President. We have a definite set of targets before us, and we have the resources and the will to strike a swift, crippling, but surgical blow. You must support us, sir. You must. We may not be so fortunate to stop the Communists’ next desperate attack.’”
“Let us see your data and verify it,” President Martindale said. “A few more weeks, perhaps after the Team Spirit exercises are concluded — North Korea’s forces will be on high alert anyway, and I don’t think you’d want to start a fight with all of their forces poised for war. If what you say is true, let us work together to…”
General Kim opened a folder and angrily tossed it on the coffee table in front of the President and his advisers. The interpreter translated his angry words: “The general says, ‘Here is our evidence, sir. Three bunkers in Kanggye, Chagang province, loaded with Vx nerve gas warheads suitable for surface-to-surface missiles. Verified. The main Western Air Combat Command air base at Sunan, with twenty-four F-4 fighter-bombers on alert loaded with Vx and anthrax munitions. Verified. The new naval and air base at Hungnam, with eighteen Scud-B missiles on alert loaded with biological and chemical warheads, plus six Scud-C missiles with nuclear warheads. Verified. Also at Hungnam, the frigate Najin, with long-range high-speed SS-N-9 antiship missiles with nuclear warheads, not old SS-N-2 missiles as we once believed.’”
Secretary of Defense Chastain was thunderstruck. He examined the photographs, scanned the translations of the field agents’ reports and observations. “This is… this is incredible,” he stammered. “I had no idea North Korea had so many WMDs in their possession.”
“All the same, General, even if we verify all this evidence, we can’t rush into anything,” Vice President Whiting said. “We need to confront the North in a global forum, show the world the evidence, and gauge the reaction of China, Russia, and the other Asian powers. There may be a way we can defuse this thing peacefully.”
“This will also give us a chance to start organizing our own forces,” Secretary Chastain said worriedly. “If you start a war now, with a lot of our forces ready to participate only in an exercise, we’ll be scrambling to respond if a general war breaks out. If we move forces into the region slowly and gradually, we can have a sizable force in place and ready to prevent the conflict from spreading and to give you maximum assistance — and we won’t look like we’re itching for a fight.”
As the translator finished, it was obvious that General Kim didn’t like what he heard. As the translation progressed, he had lowered his head so that his emotions were concealed.
“I promise you, General Kim, Minister Kang,” the President said, “that I will use all the forces in our arsenal to protect and defend the Republic of Korea. But an attack against the North is out of the question. The risk of China entering the conflict and retaliating with special weapons is too great. They’ve already proved their willingness to use them outside their borders. I think they would use them against anyone who dared stage a preemptive attack on North Korea.”
General Kim spoke again, and the translator said, “The general has asked Minister Kang to explain about our special forces apparatus, already in place.”
“What special forces apparatus?” the President asked.
“I have not been authorized to divulge this,” Minister Kang explained nervously. But General Kim barked at him in Korean, which everyone guessed meant, “Go ahead, damn you, tell them.” Kang swallowed hard and went on, “The general speaks of our newly formed Reconnaissance and Operations Department. It is a mirror group to North Korea’s Reconnaissance Bureau of the General Staff. It is composed of Regular Army soldiers and elite special operations forces, trained”—he swallowed hard again—“trained by Russian intelligence officers.”
“Russians!” Chastain exclaimed. “You have a clandestine military organization trained by Russians?”
“Why in the world would you do that?” Vice President Whiting asked incredulously. The President was silent; the appearance of the two famous silver locks of hair curling across his forehead was the only sign of his anger and concern. “What makes you think the Russians aren’t passing along information on this group to the North Koreans?”
“Because we pay them far more than the North Koreans could ever possibly hope to,” Kang replied matter-of-factly. “The Russians gave North Korea billions of rubles’ worth of training, equipment, and expertise in setting up their infiltration, sabotage, subversion, and terrorist network, and they were given nothing in return. We now get even better assistance from the Russians, and they receive millions of dollars’ worth of aid in return.”
“We… we knew nothing about this,” Vice President Whiting exclaimed. “This should have been approved by us in advance, Minister Kang. This could compromise all of America’s intelligence operations in Asia — perhaps even all over the world.”
“We have also used our new sources and agents to back-check and cross-check the North Korean government,” Kang responded. “I assure you, no American or allied intelligence sources or methods have been compromised. No information on the Reconnaissance and Operations Department e
xists in North Korea… or China.”
“China?” Chastain asked. “You’ve infiltrated China too?”
“At the highest levels, civilian and military,” Kang said. “We know the exact disposition of Chinese military forces within a thousand miles of the Korean peninsula, and we know exactly the chain of command, communications routing, codes, and procedures for relaying orders from Beijing to the field units. We can shut down the Chinese command and control system and all links to North Korea in a matter of minutes.”
Kang turned to President Martindale, true excitement building on his face. “Sir, we have operatives spread throughout North Korea and China, in the most sensitive and valuable locations. Over the past several months, they have created a vast network of informants, activists, propagandists, and agents in every level of society, government, the universities, and the military. It is not merely meant to destroy and kill, although we can do this if we wished. It is primarily meant to reassure our North Korean brothers that we are ready to help them unify the peninsula and the Korean people.
“What we have determined is that the people of North Korea are with us,” Kang went on. “The revolution is growing. It is not just a political revolution, but an ideological, cultural, and religious revolution as well. It is repressed, of course, because of the oppressive Communist regime, but as in the former Communist East Germany and Russia, it is alive and spreading. All it needs is a spark. That spark is the Republic of Korea, and the time to ignite it is now.”
“This is incredible, absolutely astounding,” Chastain said. “It’ll take time to assess this extraordinary news…”
“Time is a luxury we cannot afford, Mr. Secretary,” said Kang. “The North can launch a devastating attack at any moment.”
“I’m sorry, Minister, but we can’t afford to act rashly,” the President replied. As the interpreter translated for General Kim, it was obvious the Korean commander was growing angrier by the second. Martindale went on, “We need to analyze the information from your Reconnaissance and Operations Department, verify it independently, discuss it here in Washington, formulate a plan, then present it to our congressional leaders for funding and approval.” General Kim barked something in Korean at Kang, then glared at him impatiently. Kang kept his eyes on Martindale, not reacting; but it was obvious that the two Koreans were not receptive. “You have something on your mind, Minister Kang,” the President said warily. “Let’s hear it.”
