‘‘How may we assist you in your mission, Herr Standartenf ührer?’’ von Lutzenberger asked.
‘‘Let me give you a little of the background, if I may. Historical and philosophical,’’ Goltz began. ‘‘The point to consider, to always keep in mind, is that we are all privileged to be participants in the early days of the Thousand Year Reich. The Thousand Year Reich. That’s a long time. If I suddenly should travel through time to A.D. 2943— ‘The Year of Our Lord’— I personally would not be surprised to find that the calendar was no longer calculated from the date of birth of a Hebrew carpenter in Palestine, but rather from 1933, the year the Führer took power, and that I was now in A.H. 1000—‘The Year of Our Führer.’ ’’
I really think this idiot believes what he’s saying, von Lutzenberger thought. And there is really no one more dangerous than an idiot, a zealot, with power.
‘‘With that thought in mind, that we are not dealing with years here, or with decades, or even with centuries, but with a millennium,’’ Goltz said, ‘‘it has been necessary for our leaders—the disciples, if you like, of our Führer—to think about matters most ordinary Germans would consider unthinkable. ’’
‘‘Why not?’’ Gradny-Sawz asked thoughtfully. ‘‘Why not start dating things from the time the Führer assumed leadership?’’
Why not? von Lutzenberger thought. After all, we already have, in Mein Kampf,19 the New New Testament. The Gospel According to Adolf.
‘‘I don’t think the Herr Standartenführer, Anton, has come all this way to discuss a possible revision of the calendar, ’’ von Lutzenberger said. ‘‘What unthinkable things, Herr Standartenführer?’’
‘‘That brings us to history,’’ Goltz said. ‘‘History all of us in this room are familiar with. The Armistice of 1918, and the Versailles Conference of 1919."20
‘‘I don’t think I’m quite following you, Standartenf ührer,’’ Grüner said.
‘‘To put a point on it, let’s think about the Armistice of, say, 1944, followed by the Washington Conference of 1945.’’
‘‘Now I don’t follow you, Herr Standartenführer,’’ von Lutzenberger said.
‘‘Our leaders, the men who have given me this mission, had the duty to consider the unthinkable. An Armistice of 1944, not very different from the Armistice of 1918, followed by another conference like Versailles in 1919.’’
‘‘You’re not saying, are you,’’ Grüner challenged, ‘‘that an Armistice of 1944 is a possibility?’’
‘‘Personally, of course not. I believe in the ultimate victory. What has had to be considered here is that if there should be an Armistice of 1944, it cannot—cannot—be followed by a repeat of the Versailles Conference of 1919.’’
‘‘Frankly, Herr Standartenführer,’’ von Lutzenberger said indignantly, ‘‘if you had not come here cloaked in the authority of our leaders, I would consider such talk as dangerouslyapproaching defeatism and perhaps even treason!’’
I was expected to react that way, and I think I did so convincingly. What is this SS slime up to?
‘‘Herr Ambassador Graf,’’ Gradny-Sawz said kindly. ‘‘I must tell you that until the Standartenführer explained this to me, my reaction was very much like yours.’’
‘‘I should hope so!’’ von Lutzenberger said.
‘‘Let me try to put it this way, Graf von Lutzenberger,’’ Goltz said. ‘‘Let us be realistic. The war has not been going entirely our way in recent times. And of course our leaders must deal with cold facts. Consequently—while by no means demeaning the courage and self-sacrifice of the Sixth Army at Stalingrad—the cold fact is that the Sixth Army, six hundred thousand men strong, was wiped out there.’’
‘‘As I understand it, they did their soldier’s duty to Germany to the end,’’ Grüner said.
‘‘Indeed. And it would be senseless to deny that the situation in Africa is grave; that Allied bombers are causing great damage to the Fatherland; and that the Führer has not been able to provide the next level of weaponry as quickly as he hoped. Let me digress by saying that I was privileged to witness, at Peenemünde,21the testing of weapons I believe will not only sweep Allied aircraft from the skies but bring England to its knees. To our conference table, if you like, begging for our terms for an armistice,’’
And somewhere in the Bavarian Alps, von Lutzenberger thought, there is a pig who really can whistle the Blue Danube Waltz.
‘‘Really?’’ Grüner asked.
‘‘Rockets, Herr Oberst, traveling at near the speed of sound,’’ Goltz said. ‘‘And there are other weapons, propellerless aircraft, for example, faster than anything now flying. And we have under development new tanks—a whole arsenal of weapons—I feel sure will change the tide. But the point is that these weapons may not be available in time. Our leaders have had the duty to consider the unpleasantalternatives. Which, if I may, brings us back to the Armistice of 1944.’’
‘‘I have faith in the Führer,’’ Gradny-Sawz said.
‘‘We all do,’’ Goltz said, an impatient tone in his voice. ‘‘But pray let me continue. Considering the impossible: Let us say, hypothetically, that in 1944 the Führer decides that seeking an armistice is best for Germany.’’
‘‘The British, Americans, and Russians at Casablanca called for our unconditional surrender,’’ von Lutzenberger said.
‘‘Rhetoric. If we offer an armistice, they will jump at it,’’ Goltz said. ‘‘But the postwar conference following an Armistice of 1944 will be far worse for Germany than the Versailles Conference. Roosevelt is owned by the Jews. His Secretary of the Treasury, Morgenthau, is a Jew. England’s not much better, and France, as we all know, is far worse. And Russia!’’
‘‘Then we should not seek an armistice!’’ Gradny-Sawz said firmly.
‘‘Here our leaders have been looking at the longer time frame, the millennium of the Thousand Year Reich,’’ Goltz said. ‘‘It is possible—I don’t say likely, I say possible— that the Führer may decide that a few years of German humiliation now is a price that has to be paid to ensure that the Thousand Year Reich triumphs in the end.’’
‘‘May I ask, Herr Standartenführer, what this has to do with Argentina?’’ von Lutzenberger asked.
‘‘That will be self-evident in a moment, Graf von Lutzenberger, ’’ Goltz said. ‘‘Let us say there is an Armistice of 1944, with a postwar conference following. Almost certainly, the Allies would insist on occupying all of Germany, not just the Rhineland, as they did after World War One. What’s left of Germany, that is. We could expect to lose more of our territories this time than we did in 1920. The Russians will steal anything and everything they can lay their hands on. The Americans and the French and the English will debase our currency, and otherwise ruin our economy. Our technology will be stolen. Conditions in Germany will be twice, three times, ten times as bad as they were after World War One.’’
‘‘It’s difficult to imagine anything so terrible for Germany! ’’ Gradny-Sawz said, horrified.
Well, that’s the first thing you’ve said that I agree with, von Lutzenberger thought. But that’s what will happen. We brought this war on ourselves, and now we have to pay for it.
‘‘But after a few years,’’ Goltz went on, ‘‘the Allies will tire of the expense of occupying Germany. And, having stolen all they can from us, they will know we can’t pay for the expense of keeping their soldiers on our soil.’’
‘‘And what will happen then?’’ von Lutzenberger asked evenly.
‘‘They will leave Germany,’’ Goltz said. ‘‘Convinced that they have stripped us to the bone.’’
And are you now going to tell us how Adolf will turn this defeat into victory?
‘‘Now,’’ Goltz said, as if he were lecturing to children, ‘‘let us suppose that there was a sanctuary, a safe place, where not only large amounts of money but German technology, even German leaders, could be moved, secretly, before the Armistice of 1944.’’
&nb
sp; Why am I surprised? I should be surprised that it took them this long to think of what we’ve already been doing for six months, moving real money out of Germany so that it can be sent back to salvage what can be salvaged from the ashes.
‘‘You mean here?’’ von Lutzenberger asked evenly.
‘‘Yes, of course here,’’ Goltz said.
‘‘Have our leaders come up with a means to do this?’’
‘‘The primary concern is for secrecy,’’ Goltz said. ‘‘If there is an Armistice of 1944, there can be no trail left for the Allies to discover.’’
‘‘A trail of money, you mean?’’ Grüner asked.
‘‘In addition to other things,’’ Goltz said.
‘‘You’re thinking of secret bank accounts in Switzerland? ’’ Grüner asked.
‘‘Switzerland is a nation of bankers,’’ Goltz replied. ‘‘Banks are controlled by Jews. They have no secrets from each other. And with Germany on its back, funds in Swiss banks would be no safer than funds in the Dresdenerbank.’’
‘‘You think the banks here would be any different?’’ von Lutzenberger asked.
‘‘If they were unaware of the source of the funds, they would be,’’ Goltz said. ‘‘These funds would not be secret funds. They would be in the hands of Argentine citizens, indistinguishable from any other funds on deposit by Argentine citizens.’’
Which is exactly what Duarte and I have been doing with von Wachtstein’s money. Why should I be surprised that someone else has figured this out?
‘‘I just arrived, of course,’’ Goltz said. ‘‘But already I have met—your driver, Oberst Grüner—a good German, a good National Socialist, who happens to hold Argentinian citizenship. I mention this just to start your thinking. What if—what’s that boy’s name?’’
‘‘Loche, Herr Standartenführer,’’ Grüner furnished. ‘‘Günther Loche.’’
‘‘What if the Loche family’s sausage business started to prosper? Began to increase their bank deposits, opened other bank accounts, acquired farm property in the country? Who would be suspicious?’’
‘‘I see what you mean,’’ Grüner said.
‘‘But there would be records in Germany,’’ von Lutzenberger argued. ‘‘We’re obviously talking about very large sums of money here.’’
‘‘In the immediate future, approximately one hundred million U.S. dollars,’’ Goltz announced, paused, and went on, ‘‘of which, I assure you, Graf von Lutzenberger, there is no record anywhere.’’
I think he means that figure. But one hundred million dollars, with no record? Where did they find that much money? With no record of it?
‘‘In addition to that, there is something like twenty million U.S. dollars now in Uruguay,’’ Goltz said, ‘‘which will have to be incorporated in our arrangements here.’’
What the hell is he talking about?
‘‘Twenty million in Uruguay?’’ von Lutzenberger asked.
‘‘I’ll come to that in due time, Graf von Lutzenberger,’’ Goltz said. ‘‘Our immediate problem is the reception of the one hundred million, and providing safe and very secret storage for it once it enters the country. Until it can be disbursed and invested.’’
My God, he’s talking about money stolen from the Jews! There is no other place that much money could have come from!
‘‘The money will be brought in by diplomatic pouch?’’ he asked. ‘‘I have to tell you, Herr Standartenführer, that I consider that a great risk.’’
‘‘The funds are aboard the Comerciante del Océano Pac ífico, a Spanish-registered vessel already on the high seas,’’ Goltz replied.
‘‘Forgive me, Herr Standartenführer,’’ Grüner said. ‘‘But there’s a trail. There will be manifests. . . .’’
‘‘The Pacífico’s ostensible mission—obviously a well-guarded secret itself—is to replace the Reine de la Mer,’’ Goltz said. ‘‘The last-minute addition of half a dozen more crates of engine and radio parts to her cargo, taken aboard under the personal supervision of her captain, caused no raised eyebrows at all.’’
‘‘I wondered what they would do about replacing the Reine de la Mer,’’ von Lutzenberger said.
‘‘When the Pacífico is on station in the Bay of Samboromb ón,’’ Goltz went on, ‘‘I will board her. Her captain has been told that someone will present special orders to him when he arrives. When the crates are placed in my custody, that will be the end of the trail.’’
‘‘Six crates, you said?’’ Grüner asked. ‘‘Full of money?’’
‘‘Six crates, Herr Oberst, containing engine and radio parts, and the special funds. They are not all in the form of currency. There is gold, and gemstones, and even some negotiable securities. All of which, of course, will have to be converted into cash here.’’
‘‘I see,’’ Grüner said.
If there is gold, von Lutzenberger thought, it came from the dental work and wedding rings of murdered Jews; and the gemstones from the fingers and necks of murdered Jewish women.
Does this slime really believe this Thousand Year Reich rising phoenixlike from the ashes of Berlin nonsense, or is he simply a criminal?
‘‘At the time I remove the crates from the Océano Pac ífico, I will confide in her captain that they contain weapons and other matériel necessary for the accomplishment of my mission here,’’ Goltz said.
‘‘Excuse me?’’ von Lutzenberger said.
Goltz smiled at him smugly.
‘‘Which mission—personally authorized by the Führer— is to free and return to Germany the interned officers from the Graf Spee. As you know, this is also of personal interest to Admiral Canaris. And when we do in fact deliver, say, twenty Graf Spee officers to the Océano Pacífico, for subsequent transfer to a submarine, that should remove any lingering curiosity the captain might have about the six crates.’’
‘‘Very clever,’’ Grüner said.
‘‘ ‘Brilliant’ is the word, my dear Grüner,’’ Gradny-Sawz said.
‘‘I presume the implications of taking the Graf Spee of ficers from their place of internment has been considered,’’ von Lutzenberger said. ‘‘The Argentines will be offended.’’
‘‘We presume, of course, Graf von Lutzenberger, that the Argentines will make a pro forma fuss about it. That will be fine. First, it will further obfuscate my—our—primary mission. Second, their protests should create nothing extraordinary for you to deal with, Herr Ambassador. And after a week or two, I think they will rather admire our audacity.’’
‘‘I’m not so sure about that,’’ von Lutzenberger said. ‘‘About it being easy to deal with. When the word spreads that the Graf Spee officers have broken their parole—and there is no way we can keep that out of the newspapers—no matter what his personal feelings on the subject, President Castillo will feel compelled to do more than register a pro forma complaint. And if the coup d’état planned by the Grupo de Oficiales Unidos succeeds—and in my judgment, it will—the escape of the Graf Spee officers could very well be the excuse the new President needs to radically alter the status quo. Perhaps to go so far as to recall their ambassador to Berlin. And conceivably, even to seek a declaration of war.’’
‘‘The ramifications of Argentine indignation, Graf von Lutzenberger, have been considered at the highest level, and it was decided it was the price that had to be paid,’’ Goltz said. ‘‘Frankly, I think you are overly concerned. For instance, when I spoke with Oberst Grüner about the Frade assassination, he told me he felt the Argentine officer corps would deeply resent that.’’
‘‘I shared that opinion,’’ von Lutzenberger said.
‘‘Yesterday, I sensed no resentment at all,’’ Goltz said. ‘‘Either at the Edificio Libertador, or even at the Duarte house. My God, Frade’s sister even invited von Wachtstein to that private funeral service!’’
Beatrice Frade de Duarte, von Lutzenberger thought, is quite mad. Even more insane than Herr Hitler.
Neith
er he nor Grüner replied.
‘‘Vis-à-vis Oberst Frade,’’ Goltz went on, ‘‘I am convinced that there is an understanding on the part of the Argentine military that we did what had to be done, and, more important, that our audacity in the matter is respected. And vis-à-vis the repatriation of the Graf Spee officers, I feel that the same thing will happen. Do you disagree, Graf von Lutzenberger?’’
‘‘There probably is something to what you say,’’ von Lutzenberger said. ‘‘I would suggest the resentment from Frade’s close friends will be the greater problem . . .’’
‘‘It will pass,’’ Goltz said firmly.
‘‘. . . we are going to have to deal with,’’ von Lutzenberger went on, ‘‘magnified, of course, if one of his friends, General Rawson, for example, became President of Argentina. Do I correctly infer from your orders, Herr Standartenf ührer, that I am forbidden to ask for reconsideration of the plan to break the interned officers out?’’ von Lutzenberger said.
‘‘You and I, Graf von Lutzenberger, are forbidden to do anything about our orders but carry them out.’’
‘‘The highest priority, as I understand it, is to move these funds ashore?’’ Grüner asked.
Ah, the military mind, von Lutzenberger thought. When you receive an order, you start to plan to carry it out. Never consider the morality; that is a question for your betters.
‘‘Safely ashore,’’ Goltz said.
‘‘Then the major problem, in my opinion, would be to find some absolutely secure place to store these funds once they are ashore. Taking them off the ship will be a relatively simple matter. Perhaps it would be better to attempt to find two, or three, or even six places to store the material. So that, in case one location is detected, all would not be lost—’’
‘‘Herr Oberst,’’ Goltz interrupted. ‘‘I appreciate your enthusiasm. But I think we all need now to take some time— twenty-four hours, perhaps even forty-eight—to think all of this over. Afterward, we shall meet again, and discuss specifics. I caution you to discuss any of this with no one not present here.’’ He paused. ‘‘Unless there is someone?’’
Blood and Honor Page 28
