In general, most reports agreed that the court’s decision was in keeping with the country’s penal system, one of the most progressive in Europe. One of the establishment’s talking points championed their focus. “Our emphasis,” they said, “is on rehabilitation rather than punishment.”
Still, the massacre haunted some. “The thoughts of murder were evidently stimulating for the defendant,” Judge Arne Lyng said, reading from the ninety-page verdict summation. “This was clear when he talked about decapitating ex-Prime Minister Gro Harlem Brundtland,” he continued. “It was hard to imagine that such a term-limited sentence is sufficient to protect this country from this man.”
THE LEVEL OF DETAIL
Conversely, many people interviewed claimed that they were satisfied with the court’s declaration that Breivik, now that he was on his way to prison, would finally be forced into some kind of accountability. The majority of Norwegians felt that their society would eventually heal, that their beliefs in their country’s liberal justice system would prevail, and that it would remain fundamentally unchanged. If there was to be justice for such a man convicted of committing crimes this heinous, their nation’s court system had found it in their verdict. At the end of the long and exhausting trial, Norway would put away the man who had slaughtered so many of its most hopeful youths before they could reach their dreams. That would have to suffice for now.
“I am relieved to see this verdict,” said Tore Sinding Bekkedal, who had managed to survive the Utøya massacre by hiding in a storeroom. “The temptation for people to fob (Breivik) off as a madman has gone,” Bekkedal said. “It would have been difficult to unite the concept of insanity with the level of detail of (Breivik’s) planning.”
The above quote interested those close to the case. It brought to mind much about the entirety of Breivik’s character, the exactness of his arc from young boy into young manhood. The level of detail in his planning. How many times had those words been used to describe Breivik’s approach to gain an advantage? During Breivik’s quest to succeed in life, he himself must have thought of those words as his credo, his reason for living—no matter the horror it might eventually bring to his family and friends.
He still must feel this today, for there isn’t an ounce of remorse in his character, only more desire to complete his goal as a Knight Templar, a soldier against Islam.
CUSHY JAIL QUARTERS
Many discussions have ensued about how this self-described “noble soldier” will spend his incarceration in prison, out of sight and out of reach from Oslo. Breivik began living out his sentence in Ila Prison, a high-security penitentiary, where his quarters consisted of three 86-square-foot cells. All in all, it resembled a typical student dorm space.
Below is his routine from the early days of his incarceration, according to a recent Facebook post on Daily Mail:
Anders Breivik starts each day in Ila Prison with a wholesome early breakfast of porridge or homemade brown bread served with cheese or ham, and a jug of black coffee.
The isolated prisoner then spends time exercising at his adjoining gym, where he has a treadmill. He enjoys a “suite” of three adjoining 86 sq ft cells—bedroom, gym and a study containing a computer without internet access.
He then reads the newspapers and plays a non-violent computer game, or watches a DVD or TV show on one of 15 channels.
The killer is able to ring a room-service bell to have cigarettes delivered and often enjoys some fresh air in an enclosed yard after lunch.
He is also allowed to write letters, or practice meditation, before a dinner of typical Norwegian fare such as meatballs and potatoes, or cod.
Those who observed him said he slept soundly at night. A court psychiatrist who assessed Breivik said the killer had compared prison to being in “kindergarten.” Breivik even went so far as to say in a letter that “I’m still in isolation, and I will probably remain here for many years ahead. This is of course unproblematic as ending up here was my own choice. I’m used to living ascetically so continuing to do so will not be that hard.” He continued: “The officers who work here are actually nice people, and as long as one follows orders and acts in a nice and polite manner, living here is easier than I would have thought.”
When Kaczynski was incarcerated after his trial, the federal Supermax prison in Florence, Colorado, was a step up compared to the crude cabin in the Montana woods that had been his home for three decades. In prison, according to the Associated Press, Kaczynski now had a shower, toilet, electricity, and television. His cell is larger than his cabin, and he can order books from an extensive library, is served three meals per day, and receives freshly laundered clothes and sheets three times per week.
Kaczynski is a model prisoner who is not permitted to work “due to his medical condition,” according to The Smoking Gun on October 27, 2003. That classification puzzled Kaczynski, according to a notation, dated May 3 that same year, that he made on one report.
“I have no idea what this ‘medical condition’ could be. I run 5 miles a day, 4 or 5 days a week, so I ought to be fit to work,” Kaczynski wrote. “But if they don’t want me to work that’s fine with me since I have too much to keep me busy as it is.”
A MINI ABU GHRAIB
Then, in a thestar.com WORLD article dated November 23, 2012, Breivik compared his incarceration to a “mini Abu Ghraib.” His prison guards, he declared, were driving him to insanity by giving him cold coffee and banning his candy supply.
In a twenty-seven-page letter obtained by the Norwegian newspaper Verdens Gang, Breivik told penal officials that he had endured eight hundred strip searches, and not one of them had shown any sign of his holding an object “between the buttocks.” According to the letter, he needed more social interaction after spending “23 hours and 55 minutes” alone on a typical day.
“Such treatment isn’t humane,” said his new lawyer, Tord Jordet, to the Agence France-Presse news agency.
An additional issue involved Internet access. Prison officials had commented that their refusal to offer such service to the prisoner would prevent him from spreading his ideology of racial hatred. Breivik expressed many other concerns in his letter. The “mental strain” of being supervised while shaving and brushing his teeth had forced him to limit those activities to once a week. And they no longer permitted him to keep his hydrating skin cream in his quarters. The quarters were drab, he wrote, the windows without a view. The electrical switches for his lights and television were outside his suite of cells, obliging him to summon guards to turn them on and off. Breivik wrote that he disliked having to be handcuffed. He stated that the steel edges cut into his wrists, and he dreaded having to wear the cuffs for each trip outside his cell. He wrote that his coffee frequently went cold without a thermos, and his phone calls and mail were unfairly censored.
“His freedom of speech is being violated,” Jordet said.
“Only correspondence from the New Testament Christians and other people who do not like me has reached me in recent months,” Breivik wrote. “I highly doubt that there are worse detention facilities in Norway.”
About the time Breivik’s letter was leaked, a prison spokeswoman said he had been given an electric typewriter. According to the Associated Press, the spokeswoman denied that the machine was, in any way, a response to Mr. Breivik’s letter.
BORN FOR THE PRISON SYSTEM
Many questions remained about Ila Prison’s new isolated inmate. Normal prison protocol didn’t fit this man who seemed to challenge the rules at every junction. During the trial, he’d been given ample time and opportunity to argue every aspect of the proceedings. In his mind, he had cooperated in an illegal trial, where his rights as a patriot against an invading force were violated. As a Norwegian citizen, he called for the police to investigate his imprisonment—and, as a citizen, he got his wish. The police responded and immediately informed him that his rights hadn’t been infringed upon, and he would have to comply with the verdict handed down by the court
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At this point, the people who hadn’t yet put Breivik out of their thoughts wondered how he would be treated as time went by. In the past, his resolve had proven that he would continue to battle the penal system for as long as he was able; and under Norway’s progressive philosophy of prison-inmate correction, he must have felt confident that the sky would be his only limit.
In June 2013, Breivik attempted to form a fascist organization from his prison cell. Basically, he tried to register a political association aimed at “a democratic fascist seizure of power in Norway.” This endeavor also included the forming of an independent state from where he could operate.
Evidently, his request went too far, the Aftenposten newspaper reported, even for Norwegian policy. His request was denied because he included only one signatory—himself. Regulations stipulated that he needed two. His attorney, Tord Jordet, acknowledged that his client was pursuing other political activities and would appeal the rejection.
Insufficient paperwork had stopped Breivik this time, but what about future attempts? A representative from the Anti-Racist Center in Norway was quick to point out that any further pursuits of this kind would be banned on the grounds that they would be considered terrorist groups.
Following Breivik through the years, one must marvel at his perseverance. He had proven how dedicated he could be while laboring over his lengthy manifesto and planning his attacks. In a way, he is perfect for a prison system, an environment in which he can relax among his own private thoughts. A few years would be easy for him to endure. With his goals so cemented in place, several years would be a cakewalk, as long as he didn’t disappear in the minds of those who both despised and admired him. All he needed was a platform from which to expound his ideals.
In March 2013, Breivik’s mother died after a lengthy battle with poor health and her lifelong mental demons. Breivik requested leave to attend her funeral; but after much debate among those still outraged, this was denied by the prison board.
His attorney, Jordet, explained that Breivik had said good-bye to his mother in prison earlier in the month. She was the only visitor who had been allowed to see him since his incarceration at Ila. Jordet also said that Breivik appeared to be deeply saddened. His mother, who had been the cause of so many of his attachment issues, was the only person who could still emotionally unravel him.
After numerous complaints about Ila Prison, Breivik was finally moved to a different facility in September 2013. But this high-security correctional facility in Skien, about 80 miles southwest of Oslo, didn’t suit him for long. On November 5, 2013, Breivik wrote yet another complaint demanding immediate changes in his living conditions.
“For twenty-seven months,” he wrote, “I have been denied permission to present my case before the prison managers, as you have been unwilling to arrange an interdisciplinary meeting in which I may participate. The main objective of such a meeting is to create a ‘rehabilitation plan’ in order to solve the problems that keep me isolated. Such a plan should also facilitate an increased offer of activities in the cell, increased social contact with custodial staff and individual prisoners, and visits from friends and supporters.”
He then cites the European Prison Rules, points 25.1 and 25.2, as well as Norwegian law specifying that isolation and other extreme measures are to be compensated. No such compensation has been made, Breivik claimed.
“As of today there are at least 100 right-wing radicals in Norwegian prisons, out of a total of approximately 2,600 prisoners. About 60 of these are defined as National Socialists and about 40 as classic fascists (like me). I can with great probability socialize with all of these. Unfortunately, they are spread all over the Norwegian prisons (one to five per prison, depending on the size). It’s inhumane to deny me interaction with like-minded people. (Even Hitler showed a greater degree of humanism in that his regime allowed like-minded people—whether ethnic or ideological—to be imprisoned together.) Many of them are interested in getting to know me, and I them.”
In the letter, Breivik also threatened to go on a hunger strike if his demands were not met.
Reports suggesting that Breivik may someday be headed for the Halden Prison have surfaced from time to time. This newly constructed “luxury prison,” spread over seventy-five acres of woodlands outside Oslo, boasts a system that focuses on human rights. The facility’s sound studio, jogging trails, and a two-bedroom house on the grounds for conjugal visits continually ire the general population, many of whom continue to question Norway’s stance on rehabilitation.
Breivik’s sentence of twenty-one years can be extended in five-year increments if he is still considered a danger to society. But what most people don’t know is that any such extension is subject to appeal and will lead to a new trial if opposed by Breivik. The extension isn’t supposed to work as a replacement for life in prison: its only purpose is to protect society if it can be proven that Breivik is, in fact, not rehabilitated. The government might also have a different opinion on Breivik and his heinous crimes after twenty-one years, if not before. After all, the importance of the role of the perpetrator in the victims’ lives tends to diminish over time. Breivik will also be eligible for supervised or non-supervised leaves toward the end of his sentence, designed to prepare his re-entry into society. This will also be the case during any five-year extensions of his imprisonment. It is therefore very possible that Breivik will one day, sooner than one might think, be released and free in Norway.
All of these possibilities mean little to those who have put the massacre behind them. People who want to forget tend to do just that. They forget.
Recently, an American acquaintance of mine, speaking about the 1969 Charles Manson murders in Los Angeles, had this to say:
“Charles Tex Watson, under Manson’s influence, led the random slaughter upon seven innocent individuals. Given a life sentence in Texas, he later was extradited to a prison in California and eventually married a prison groupie, fathered four children, wrote a couple of books, and formed a nonprofit ministry, all while incarcerated.”
My source continued, as if adding a warning: “Watson was granted many leaves from lock-up to accomplish his preaching and conjugal rights. Has he repented? Was justice served? His victims might not think so if they were still alive. He will be due for another parole hearing in 2016. To most people, the proceedings will amount to little. Watson will be more than seventy years old, a man far from the ‘crime of the century’ he once belonged to. If he were set free, it’s doubtful anyone would recognize him, let alone give his sighting much thought if they did.”
Out of sight. Out of mind. Time erodes the awfulness of crimes. How much are we going to be asked to forget? And is forgetting the same as forgiving?
DEAR RUSSIAN BROTHER
A letter from Breivik to a Russian follower, dated July 5, 2012, recently surfaced. It contains startling information as to just how extensive a network Breivik has already managed to develop. Below, I’ve listed just a few of the plans he has been able to kindle after the massacre and during his retention. I will edit sparingly, so that one might consider and study his very words.
I’m in the process of contacting the German National Socialists who killed twelve from 2002 to 2011, and Peter Mangs in Sweden who shot ten, killed maybe three.
I’m already in contact with a couple of Norwegians and a patriotic brother in Denmark.
One positive thing . . . the massacre media has enabled me to be in contact with key individuals around the world.
I estimate there are at least a thousand prisoners in Western Europe who will join us.
Muslims are dominating many prisons, making Christians convert to stay alive. The Muslim brotherhood and al Qaeda are now the most successful revolutionary movement in the world.
As for naming our movement, I suggest we build the network for ten years before we choose a name. I must clear my own political conviction. I am not a militant national conservative. I am a national crusader nationalist.
I support ethnic and cultural protectionism. Women should have a secondary role, similar to Japan and South Korea.
All Asians, African [sic] and Southern Europeans against Nordics should be deported, which will include eighty percent of the Jews. I believe Christendom can be reformed into an ethnocentric military, like it was before the enlightenment reforms.
Vladimir Putin is either our best friend or our worst enemy. It seems he is trying to destroy European Russia, and is trying to create an Asian empire . . . so, no, I don’t support him.
Russia [sic] militants are the most organized ideological group in Europe. To illustrate . . . there are ninety thousand skinheads in Russia, whereas there are less than nine thousand in Northern Europe.
My network, the Knights Templar network, has embraced al-Qaeda methods . . . the glorification of martyrdom and what follows with it . . . the “spectacular effects.”
In order to contribute to a struggle, there must be a “we.” I believe we should create a network that includes all indigenous rights activist, anti-Marxists. And anti-Islamist individuals.
Our long term goal should create a brotherhood against all Muslim[s] in prison, and encourage our brothers to learn English and essay writing. The pen is just as powerful as the sword.
Lastly we should create an economical fundament to support the wives and children of our Martyrs.
You must be aware I could be in prison for several decades . . . as my network is only beginning to take shape.
I risk being sent to a mental hospital. My lawyers are doing all they can to prevent this. In the worst case scenario I will be forcibly and chemically lobotomized, so that I’m unable to function, but as of now, I believe . . . I’ll be able to build my network.
STILL AN EXTREMIST
Breivik’s father, Jens Breivik, confirms that his son has not lost his political ambition or his extreme political views. After Jens attempted to visit his son in prison, he finally received a letter from Breivik. In My Fault? A Father’s Story, published in October 2014, Breivik’s Norwegian letter is printed. The letter, dated February 11, 2014, is addressed to Jens David Breivik, not “Father” or “Dad.” Businesslike and cold, it is a formal good-bye to his father. It also shows the state of mind of a lone wolf who not only doesn’t regret his acts, but who has grown even more extreme with the passage of time.
The Mystery of the Lone Wolf Killer Page 20
