Thus, whereas learning before was called “Sophia,” Wisdom, and the prosessors thereof, Sophoi, wisemen (as Thales and the rest of whom we treated in the first book), Pythagoras, by a more modest appellation, named it “Philosophy,” or Love of Wisdom. He called its prosessors “Philosophers,” conceiving the attribute of wise not to belong to men but to God only—that which is properly termed Wisdom, being far above human capacity.111 For though the frame of the whole heaven, and the stars which are carried about in it, if we consider their order, is fair; yet is it such but by participation of the primary intelligible, who is a nature of numbers and proportions, diffusing itself through the universe, according to which, all these things are ordered together and adorned decently. Wisdom therefore is a true knowledge, conversant about those fair things which are first, and divine, and unmingled, and always the same; by participation whereof, we may call other things fair. But philosophy is an imitation of that science, which likewise is an excellent knowledge, and did assist towards the reformation of mankind.
CHAPTER 9
HOW HE LIVED AT SAMOS
Having been a diligent auditor and disciple of all these, he returned home and earnestly addicted himself to enquiry after such things as he had omitted.112 First, as soon as he returned to Ionia (says Antiphon, cited by Porphyry, repeated and enlarged by Iamblicus), he built in his country within the city a school which even yet is called the Semicircle of Pythagoras.113 Here the Samians, when they would consult about public affairs, would assemble, choosing to enquire after things honest, just, and advantageous in that place which he, who took care of them all, had erected. Without the city he made a cave proper for his study of philosophy, in which he lived for the most part day and night, and discoursed with his friends, and made enquiry into the most useful part of Mathematics, taking the same course as Minos son of Jupiter. And so far did he surpass all whom he taught, that they, for the smallest theorem, were reputed great persons.
Pythagoras now perfected the science of the celestial bodies and covered it with all demonstrations Arithmetical and Geometrical. Nor this only, but he became much more admired for the things he performed afterwards. For philosophy had now received a great increase, and all Greece began to admire him; and the best and most studious persons, for his sake, reported to Samos desiring to participate of his institutions.
CHAPTER 10
HIS VOYAGE TO ITALY
But Pythagoras, being engaged by his countrymen in all embassies, and constrained to be interested in their public negotiations, perceived that if he should comply with the laws of his country and continue there, it would he hard for him to study Philosophy. For which reason all former philosophers ended their lives in foreign countries.114 Weighing all these consideration, and to avoid civil employments—or as others say, declining the negligence of learning which at that time possessed the Samians—he departed into Italy, preferring that place before his country, which contained most persons fervently desirous of learning.
But before we speak of his actions in Italy, it will be requisite as well to settle the time of his coming and the state of that country as it was at that time. It was a received opinion amongst the more ancient but less learned Romans that Pythagoras was contemporary with King Numa. The occasion of that tradition might perhaps arise from those books which were found in the sepulcher of Numa, 805 years after his death. Antius Valerius, cited by Livy,115 and Cassius Hemina, by Pliny,116 relate these were supposed to contain Pythagorean philosophy. But that opinion is long since refuted by the more learned Romans and Grecians: Cicero, Titus Livius, Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, Plutarch, and others.
They who have looked more strictly into the time of Pythagoras seem to follow two different accounts. Iamblichus says that he lived in Egypt twenty-two years; that he was carried from thence by Cambyses; that he lived in Babylon twelve years; that from thence he returned to Samos being fifty-six years old; that from Samos he went into Italy in the sixty-second Olympiad [ca. 528 B.C.]—Eryxidas, a Chalcidean, being victor at the Olympic Games. From whence it follows that he went into Egypt about the third year of the fifty-third Olympiad [ca. 562 B.C.]; and that he was born in the second year of the forty-eighth Olympiad [ca. 583 B.C.]; and that it was the fifty-second Olympiad [ca. 568-565 B.C.], when he, in the eighteeenth year of his age, heard Thales, Pherecydes and Anaximander.
This account seems to be followed by Laertius, Porphyry, Themistius, Suidas (from Laertius), and others, who affirm he went from Samos into Italy at the time Polycrates was tyrant of Samos, conceiving it unfit for a philosopher to live under such a government. For by Diodorus,117 Pythagoras is acknowledged in the sixty-first Olympiad [ca. 532 B.C.], Thericles being Archon; by Clement of Alexandria, about the sixty-second Olympiad [ca. 528 B.C.], under Polycrates;118 and in the second year of the sixty-fourth Olympiad [ca. 519 B.C.], Polycrates was betrayed and put to death by Oroetas. This account Antilochus also seems to follow, who reckons from the time of Pythagoras to the death of Epicurus, 312 years. Epicuras died in the second year of the 127th Olympiad [ca. 267 B.C.]; the 312th year upwards is the first of the forty-ninth Olympiad [ca. 580 B.C]. Neither is Livy much different from this computation, who makes him to come into Italy, Servio Tullio regnante, who died about a year or two before. And this account might be the occasion of making him live to ninety years, as Laertius says many do; and to 104 years, as the nameless author of his life in Photius, the year of his death being according to Eusebius the fourth of the seventieth Olympiad [ca. 493 B.C].
But this account may, with good reason, be questioned. For if it be granted (as by Iamblichus himself, and other good authorities it is affirmed) that Pythagoras was in Egypt when Cambyses subdued it, and that he was carried away captive by him into Babylon, the time of his going into Italy must of necessity be much later. For Cambyses invaded Egypt in the fifth year of his reign, which is the third year of the sixty-third Olympiad [ca. 522 B.C], and the 223rd year of Nobonassar, of which there is no question in chronology. This is so because the seventh year of Cambyses is known to be the 225th year of Nabonassar. Ptolemy in his Almegest relates an astronomical observation of a Lunar eclipse at Babylon on the seventeenth day of the month Phamenoth, according to the Egyptians, which is with us the sixteenth of July, one hour before midnight.119
From whence now it follows that he if lived twenty-two years in Egypt, that then he went thither in the third year of the fifty-eighth Olympiad [ca. 542 B.C]; and that if he stayed in Babylon twelve years; he went into Italy about the end of the sixty-sixth Olympiad [ca. 509 B.C]; and that if he were then fifty-six years old, he was not born before the first year of the fifty-third Olympiad [ca. 564 B.C]. And according to this account, they who make him live but seventy or eighty years, do not much differ in the time of his death from them, who according to the other account, make him live so much longer. For they who give him most years do not make him to die later, but to be born sooner.
This account they seem to follow who affirm he went from Samos to Italy.120 For he could not brook Syloson, the brother of Polycrates, on whom (being a private person after his brother's death) Darius Hystaspis afterward bestowed the tyranny of Samos in requital of a garment which Syloson had given him before he came to the empire. And thus perhaps is Strabo to be understood. He says Pythagoras, as they reported, in the time of Polycrates, seeing the tyranny begun, forsook the city and went from thence to Egypt and Babylon out of love to learning. And returning home, and seeing that the tyranny continued still, he went into Italy where he ended his days.121 By this “continuation of the tyranny,” seems to be meant the reign of Syloson—who ruled so cruelly that many persons forsook the city, insomuch that it became a proverb:
A Region vast
By Syloson laid waste.
With both these accounts agree what Cicero122 and Aulus Gellius123 affirm concerning his coming into Italy—that it was in the reign of Tarquinius Superbus. But to neither can that of Pliny be accommodated. Pliny says that Pythagoras observed the natur
e of the star Venus about the forty-second Olympiad [ca. 608 B.C.], which was of the city of Rome the 142nd year.124 There must therefore be either an error in both the numbers; or, which I rather believe, in Pliny himself, occasioned, perhaps by mistaking Tarquinius Priseus (under whom they both fall) for Tarquinius Superbus, under whom Pythagoras flourished.
If therefore he came into Italy in the reign of Tarquinius Superbus,125 the opinion of Cicero is to be received. That he was there when Lucius Brutus freed his country; and upon the expulsion of Tarquinius Superbus, Brutus and Lucius Collatinus were made the first consuls. At which time the dominion of the Romans extended not any way above six miles from their city; and the southern parts of Italy were chiefly inhabited by the Grecians, who at several times had there planted diverse colonies, whereof we shall only mention those which were more particularly concerned in the actions of Pythagoras.
The most ancient of these is Metapontum, seated in the Bay of Tarentum between Heraclea and Tarentum, built by Nestor and the Pylians, a people of Peloponnesus.126 Long after were founded:
Catana, a city on the east side of Sicily, between Messena and Syracuse, built by a colony of Chalcideans, in the eleventh Olympiad [ca. 736 B.C.].127
Tarentum in Italy, in the eighteenth Olympiad [ca. 708 B.C.],128 built by the Parthenians.129 These were children of the Lacedaemonian women, born in the absence of their husbands at the Messanian wars. They were therefore called Parthenians in reproach; which not brooking, they conspired against the Lacedaemonian people; but being betrayed and banished, came hither.
Crotona, a city in the Bay of Tarentum,130 built in the nineteenth Olympiad [ca. 704 B.C.],131 by a colony of Achaeans under the conduct of Miscellus. By whom it was named Crotona at the command of Hercules, in memory of Croto, his host, whom he, having unwittingly slain, buried there. This city, for being built by the command of Hercules, engraved his figure in their coins. [See illustration next page.]
Sybaris is a city distant from Crotona 200 furlongs according to Strabo's account—but as others conceive, more than twice so much—built at the same time by a colony of Troezenians, under the conduct of Iseliceus, between the two rivers Crathis and Sybaris.132
Locri in Italy was built in the twenty-fourth Olympiad [ca. 684 B.C.], by the Locrians, a people of Achaea.133
Agrigentum,134 an Ionian colony, built by the Geloans 108 years after their own foundation. Gela135 was built in the forty-fifth year after Syracusa in the eleventh Olympiad [ca. 736 B.C., forty-five years later would be 691 B.C.]: Agrigentum therefore in the forty-ninth [687 B.C.].136
To these add, of less certain time, Rhegium in Calabria built by the Chalcedeans, and Nimgra and Tauromenium in Sicily, colonies of the Zancleaans. Indeed so generally was the Pythagorean doctrine received in these parts, that Iamblicus affirms, all Italy was filled with philosophical persons; and whereas before it was obscure, afterwards by reason of Pythagoras, it was named Magna Graecia [“Greater Greece”].137
Crotonian coins with images of Hercules. Antique woodcut showing coins of the ancient city of Croton. The top image is a product of the imagination, whereas the second is a reasonably faithful representation of a known coin type of the 4th century B.C.
From Thomas Stanley, The History of Philosophy
CHAPTER 11
HIS ARRIVAL AT CROTONA, AND UPON WHAT OCCASION HE FIRST BECAME EMINENT THERE
He came at first to Crotona, the state of which city in particular was this. At the beginning, the Crotonians joining with the Sybarites and the Metapontines, determined to expel the rest of the Grecians out of Italy. They first took the city Syrus. And taking it ill that at their besieging of Syrus, the Locrians assisted the adverse party, raised a war against them, related thus by Justin:138
The Locrians being terrified, recur to the Spartans for refuge, and beg their aid. They, oppressed with a long war, bade them seek help of Castor and Pollux. Neither did the ambassadors sleight the advice of the associate city, but going into the next Temple, they sacrificed, and implored the help of the Gods. Having offered victims and obtained, as they thought, what they requested—no less joyful than as if they were to carry the Gods themselves along with them—they made couches for them in the ship, and by a fortunate voyage brought comfort, instead of relief to their countrymen. This known, the Crotonians also sent ambassadors to the Oracle at Delphi, praying for victory, and a happy success of the war. Answer is made, that enemies must be overcome in vows first, before in arms. They vowed to Apollo the tenths of the spoil.
The Locrians understanding the vow of their enemies, and the answer of the God, vowed the ninths, and kept it secret less they might be outdone in vowing. Being drawn forth into the field, the Crotonian army consisting of 120,000 soldiers; the Locrians beholding how small a number they were (for they had but 15,000), gave over all hope of victory, and unanimously resolved to die. And so great courage did every man take from desperation that they conceived they should be conquerors if they did not die unwillingly. But while they sought to die honorably, they overcame more fortunately; neither was there any other cause of that victory, than that they despaired of it. While they were in fight, an eagle never left the Locrian army but flew about it all the while, until they had gained the victory. In the wings of the army also, two young men, armed after a fashion different from all the rest, of extraordinary bigness, upon white horses, in crimson mantles, were seen to fight; and, after the fight, were seen no more. This wonder was increased by the incredible swiftness of same; for the very same day that this fight happened in Italy, the victory was reported at Corinth, Athens, and Lacedaemon. After this, the Crotonians used no military exercise, nor minded arms. For they hated what they had taken up unsuccessfully, and would have changed their life into luxury had it not been for Pythagoras the philosopher.
As soon as Pythagoras arrived in Italy and came to Crotona, Dicaearchus says that upon the coming of a person who was a great traveler and excellent—and through a peculiar advantage of nature, prosperously guided by fortune (for he was of a free presence, tall, graceful in his speech and gesture, and in all things else)—the citizens of Crotona were taken with him.139 Having won the affections of the old men, who were the magistrates of the city, he made an excellent and large discourse to the young men. He then, by command from the magistrates, made a second exhortation to the young men, and afterwards to the boys, who came flocking out of the school to hear him; and lastly to the women, assembled to that purpose. The occasion and manner mentioned, by Plutarch and Porphyry, is related thus by Iamblichus.140
At this time, walking from Sybaris to Crotona, upon the sea side, he lighted upon some fishermen; and while their net was yet at the bottom loaden, he told them exactly the number of fishes that they should draw up. The men, undertaking to do whatsoever he should command them if it fell out accordingly, he required them to turn back again the fishes alive after they had exactly numbered them. And, which is more wonderful, not one of all the number of the fishes, while they were out of the water, died. He being present, and giving the fishermen the price of the fish, departed to Crotona. But they divulged what was done, and, learning his name of the boys, declared it to everyone; which they hearing, desired to see the stranger, which was opportune to him. For he was of such an aspect, that whosoever saw him could not but admire him, and conceive him to be the person that he really was.
CHAPTER 12
HIS ORATION TO THE YOUNG MEN
Some few days after, he went into the public school, and the young men flocking to him, it is said that he made discourses to them wherein he exhorted them to respect their elders, declaring the following: 141
That in the world, and in life, and in cities, and in nature, that which is precedent in time is more honorable than that which is subsequent: as the east than the west, the morning than the evening, the beginning than the end, generation than corruption, natives than strangers. In like manner: in colonies the leader and planner of cities; and generally the gods than daemons, daemons th
an semi-gods, heroes than men—and of these (men), the cause of generation than the younger.
This he said by way of induction, to make them have a greater esteem of their parents, to whom he said they had as much obligation as a dead man might owe to him that should raise him again to life. Moreover, that it was just to love above all, and never to afflict, the first and those who have done us greatest benefits. But parents only, by the benefit of generation, are the first. And predecessors are the causes of all things that succeed rightly to their successors; showing, that they are nothing less beneficial to us than the gods, against whom it is not possible to offend in so doing.
And the gods themselves cannot but in justice pardon those who reverence their parents equal to them; for it is from them that we learn to worship the deity; whence Homer gives the king of the gods the same style, calling him, Father of Gods and Mortals. And many other fabulous writers have delivered that the chief of the gods was ambitious to make up the divided love of children by a new conjunction of parents. And for this end, making a new supposition of father and mother, Jupiter brought forth Minerva, Juno, and Vulcan, of a contrary sex to their own, that they might participate of that love which was more remote.
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