Camden claimed that Walter ‘craved an expedition, following the counsel of those who desired above all things to have him further off, and to plunge him into dangers under colour of honour’.10 The implication was that the Earl of Leicester wanted Walter out of the way, and that he had a strong motive to do so: Lettice. Leicester’s romantic attentions at this time, though, were focused elsewhere. What is also clear is that the impetus for the expedition came from Walter. Camden recalled that he was a man who ‘had acquainted his mind with warlike discipline even from his youth’, and it was in Ireland that Walter perceived his path to future success: if he could successfully tame the Irish rabble and colonize Ulster, then he would surely earn the Queen’s unending favour and great personal glory.11 Perhaps he first discussed his plans with Lettice, for she would have had some knowledge of what was afoot. Given her ambition, there is likely to have been truth in the claim that ‘she encouraged her first husband in his Irish enterprise, in the hopes of sharing in the fame and fortune to be won’.12 In the spring of 1573, Walter put his proposal to the Queen. He was convincing enough to earn her confidence, for Elizabeth agreed to back him. If he were successful, she would grant him almost the entirety of the territory of Clandeboye. Little wonder that he was enthusiastic, but he appeared oblivious to the obstacles that lay ahead of him. Chief among them was that Walter had to finance the whole expedition himself. This was to be the price of his potential success – if he wanted glory, Ulster would have to be a private enterprise.
It was a high price, but this did not deter Walter and he moved quickly to consolidate his plans. Despite his increased status, though, he did not have the funds to necessitate such an enterprise. The Queen consented to loan him £10,000 (£1,740,000) at a 10 per cent interest rate, but even this was not enough. In order to cover some of the costs, Walter was forced to mortgage some of his lands, chiefly in Essex, but also in Buckinghamshire and Wales. He must have felt confident that the income these estates rendered would not affect the cost of maintaining his wife and children, although this would have been a concern to Lettice, for whom money – as later evidence shows – was always a worry. This may even have been something she broached with her husband, but Walter was driven by other considerations. Money aside, he began to throw himself into the preparations for his mission with enthusiasm.
By the summer he was in London, residing in Durham Place where he and Lettice had previously enjoyed the wedding celebrations of her brother Henry. Due to the nature of his business, it is unlikely that Lettice or their children were with him at this time; they had probably remained at Chartley. Durham Place provided easy access to the court, whose headquarters were at the Palace of Whitehall, and which Walter was frequenting at this time in order to further his plans.13 It was from Durham Place that Walter wrote to Burghley, on 22 June, desirous for the ‘delivery of the money unto me’ – the Queen’s loan.14 He had received instructions from Burghley in regards to Ireland and ‘the government of the country for a time, and of those I carry with me’, but he was now anxious to be on his way.15 He had much to do before he left England, and he was eager to leave London, for ‘I have very great business to do in the country after I have done here; and therefore would I be gladly despatched hence.’16 Presumably this reference was to his affairs at Chartley, which included his wife and children. Interestingly, Walter also made reference to those at court who spoke unfavourably of his commission, remarking that ‘I look for to find enemies enough to this enterprise, and I feel of some of them already.’17 It is just possible that he was referring to the Earl of Leicester. Whatever his thoughts, he prayed that Burghley would commend him to Sir Henry Sidney, the former Lord Deputy. He did greatly ‘desire his favour and furtherance to me in this enterprise’, for he was ‘a gentleman who I have ever loved, and liked well of’.18 He was anxious to obtain Sidney’s support, and even more so because he was worried that Sidney was against him ‘by reason of some speech that hath passed from his near friends’. What this was is unclear.19
On 20 July, Walter, still at Durham Place, was preparing to depart from the capital. He had just taken his leave of the Queen, and as he informed Burghley, he was feeling confident: ‘I am departed from Her Majesty with very good words, and promise of her favour and furtherance to this enterprise.’20 With this, Walter also bade farewell to Burghley, and leaving London behind, he made his way to Chartley. He was only there for a short time, and as he said goodbye to his wife and his four young children, none of them could have had any idea when he would return, and what success his mission might bring.
It was in high hopes and confident of success that Walter set sail for Ireland from Liverpool on 16 August. Always a realist and more practical than many of his contemporaries, Lettice’s father had expressed doubts over the viability of the mission, but this did not prevent four of his sons from accompanying Walter. Also with the party was Lord Rich, whose son would later play an integral part in the story of Walter and Lettice’s eldest daughter, Penelope.21 It was not a smooth crossing, and heavy gales scattered the ships. According to Walter’s own account, some arrived ‘to the Isle of Man, some to Cork’ in the south.22 His was one of the few that made it to the port of Carrickfergus; it was not a good start, and things were about to become worse.
WHILE HER HUSBAND sought to tame Ireland, Lettice was left at home with her four children. They were all growing up fast; Penelope was now ten, Dorothy nine, Robert was just short of his eighth birthday, and Walter was three. Their care, and the management of Chartley and her husband’s estates during his absence, occupied much of her time, and there is no clue as to how often – if at all – she corresponded with her husband. Her feelings about his absence are unknown, but what is clear is that Walter soon had concerns about Lettice’s behaviour towards their children. She was a somewhat overbearing mother who smothered her children, but they nevertheless adored her. In April 1574, however, while ensconced in Ireland, Walter had written to Burghley to ask if he would consider allowing his heir, Robert, to join his household in order to remove him from ‘his mother’s wing’. Lettice mollycoddled Robert more than was usual, and this is borne out by his behaviour as he grew into adulthood: he could be both petulant and spoilt.
UPON HIS ARRIVAL in Ireland, Walter had declared to the inhabitants who had gathered to greet him that he and his army were there to ‘defend such of the country as had disposition to live dutifully under Her Highness’s obedience’.23 It was not long before word reached Sir Brian MacPhelim that Walter had landed and had made his way to Knockfergus, and it stirred him into action. He wrote to Walter, informing him that he knew of the army that he had brought with him, and had heard that reinforcements were forthcoming. With this in mind, he wanted to know under ‘what conditions I would receive him, if he should return to Her Majesty’s service’.24 Shortly afterwards, Walter responded, advising MacPhelim to submit himself to the Queen’s mercy, and the following day MacPhelim duly did so. Within days, though, seeing that the English force were at a disadvantage due to their limited knowledge of the terrain, MacPhelim had relented and joined forces with Turlough Luineach O’Neill. In dismay, on 29 September Walter wrote to the Privy Council in London that MacPhelim, ‘contrary to my opinion of him, is again revolted’.25 It was this betrayal that led him to declare that ‘they have given me just cause to govern such as shall inhabit with us in the most severe manner’ – a warning, it turned out, of what was to come.26
DESPITE HIS ABSENCE and the nature of affairs in Ireland, Walter’s family were still very much in his thoughts. He had barely settled in Knockfergus before he was writing to Burghley with a proposition; once again, it concerned his son Robert. It was November, and Robert had just turned eight years old. Walter was in regular contact with Burghley about events in Ireland, but on this occasion his letter assumed a different tone. He began by expressing his heartfelt thanks for the ‘love and favour’ that Burghley had shown to him, before moving to the main subject of his letter.27 It was Burghle
y’s friendship, he said, that had prompted him to make him a pledge of ‘the direction, education, and marriage of mine eldest son, whom if you can like to match with your daughter, I will presently assure him 2000 marks by the year in England, besides my houses, domains, and parks’.28 The marital prospects of noble children were always a primary consideration for their parents – particularly in the case of the family heir – and Walter was no different. It would not have been considered unusual for him and Lettice to have given Robert’s future marriage some thought, despite the boy’s youth. However, as the head of the family it was Walter who had the final say on the matter, and it seems unlikely that he had informed his headstrong wife that he was about to make Burghley such an offer. Lettice would have wished to have been consulted, but she would also have been aware that given Burghley’s position with the Queen, a match for her son with his daughter was advantageous. Despite Walter’s assurances that ‘from myself you shall most assuredly look and ever find as firm, as constant friendship, as your Lordship shall receive by any other alliance in England’, it came to nothing.29
Back in Ireland, it was not long after their arrival that Walter’s followers began to return home. Lord Rich – never enthusiastic about the mission – left within a month, and after only a few months’ service Lettice’s elder brother, Henry, was sent home. On 2 November, Walter explained to the Queen that ‘my brother Henry Knollys, compelled by sickness, is now persuaded by me to pass into England for the recovery of his health, meaning to return in the spring; he hath showed himself here very forward and discreet in all his doing, having escaped very narrowly to have been slain with a shot’.30
Thus far his Irish mission had achieved nothing, and to make matters worse he was quickly running out of money and supplies. Similarly, plague and sickness were spreading through his camp, killing his men. The Queen had promised to send more, but as of yet nothing had materialized. Walter’s frustrations intensified, and according to Camden he ‘grievously complained to the Queen and his friends by letters’.31 To make matters worse, Sir William Fitzwilliam, the Queen’s Lord Deputy, was doing all that he could in order to ensure that the expedition ended in failure. He refused to offer Walter any assistance; behaviour that was based entirely on jealousy. Five years previously, in 1568, Fitzwilliam himself had headed a failed expedition to Ulster, and he believed that if Walter were successful he ‘would eclipse his glory in Ireland’.32 He also worried that the process of colonization in Ulster would lead to rebellion from the citizens – a rebellion that he himself would have to suppress. With dwindling supplies and little support, the mission that had, just months ago, been so enticing for Walter, was beginning to lose its appeal.
In January 1574, the Council wrote to Fitzwilliam urging him to offer Walter his support. The Queen was not impressed by Fitzwilliam’s behaviour, and was seriously considering replacing him. It was rumoured that Walter himself would be appointed in his stead, but Lettice’s father quashed this theory, informing Burghley that ‘Her Majesty hath said that in no wise she will allow my Lord of Essex shall be Deputy of Ireland’.33 Following the advice of the Earl of Leicester, the Queen had opted to allow Fitzwilliam to remain in his post, while Walter was promised the position of Earl Marshal of Ireland and Governor of Ulster. Fitzwilliam continued though to hinder Walter’s progress, and after a lack of support from him following an attempt to bring Turlough Luineach O’Neill to heel, Walter was forced to conclude a truce with the clan chief on 16 March. He could now see that the task he was faced with was becoming increasingly complex, and there were rumours that the Queen was about to recall him home.
In June, Walter journeyed to Dublin, there to consult with the Council as to his next steps. His mind had, however, been much occupied by a quarrel with someone at home: the Earl of Leicester. Conducted through letters that sadly no longer survive, it is clear that hostility had recently broken out between the two men. There has been speculation that this centred on Leicester’s interest in Lettice, but there is no evidence that this was the case. The surviving evidence shows that it was actually very much politically based: Walter seems to have been fed false information that led him to believe that Leicester was working against his enterprise from home. He had written to Leicester demanding answers, and in his usual frank manner had made his feelings of betrayal clear. Leicester, in turn, had sent a reply refuting any wrongdoing, and for good measure he had also sent a servant to relate his version of events. Walter appears to have accepted this case of crossed wires, and acknowledged the letter in his response that October. He felt the need, though, to explain that this misinformation had come from a source that he had thought he was able to trust:
And finding then, as I conceived by his words, a declination in you, and that joined with your Lordship’s ill opinion of me when I thought myself most assured of it, I took this undeserved alteration so unkindly, as I must confess I was not satisfied until I had revealed it unto your Lordship; the manner whereof I trust with friendly interpretation cannot be ill taken, for I am sure it appeared how loath I was to lose your Lordship, and I named both the causes of my grief, and the reporter.34
This, Walter hoped, would be an end to the matter, and he continued to assure the Earl that ‘from henceforward no one man’s tale shall make me conceive doubtfully of any friend of far meaner calling than your Lordship, of whose good affection towards me I do now see sufficient cause to judge’.35 Signing himself ‘your assured friend and kinsman’, Walter’s letter made no reference to his wife: hostility between the two men had been purely political.36 Matters might now have been resolved, but beneath the surface tension simmered; it was not the last time that antagonism between the two Earls would arise.
WALTER MAY HAVE been gone, but at home Lettice did not spend all of her time pining after her husband – the Countess of Essex had her own life to lead, and she was determined to enjoy it. Presumably leaving her children at home, in the summer of 1574 she travelled to Buxton in Derbyshire. Buxton was fast becoming a fashionable and popular spa resort among the nobility, many of whom travelled there in order to take the medicinal waters to ease ailments. Among others, the captive Mary, Queen of Scots, had been taken to Buxton the previous year by her gaolers, the Earl and Countess of Shrewsbury, in order to take the waters for her rheumatism. Buxton had been famed as a spa town as far back as Roman times, but its prominence had only recently come to the fore. In 1572, the physician John Jones had written a treatise, dedicated to the Earl of Shrewsbury, in which he extolled the benefits of taking Buxton’s healing waters. Taking the waters consisted of either drinking them, or bathing in them, and Jones explained that both of these methods could be employed by ‘women that by reason of overmuch moisture, or contrary distemperature be unapt to conceive and weak men that be unfruitful’.37 Buxton also provided a perfect centre to socialize, and in many ways adopted the role of a holiday retreat, where entertainments were staged for the enjoyment of the visiting nobility.
It is possible that some medical ailment necessitated Lettice’s visit, but it is more likely that she had travelled there to enjoy the company, for she was part of a large group of friends. On 3 August, Thomas Greves, a servant of the Earl of Shrewsbury’s, informed his master that among ‘The strangers which be at Buxton at this present’ alongside Lady Essex, were Lady Norris, Lady Mildmay, Lady Gresham and Margaret, the Earl of Bedford’s daughter.38 Listed as Lettice’s most particular travel companions were Sir George Digby and his wife Abigail, who hailed from Coleshill in Warwickshire.39 Theirs was a close friendship, and George had once been the ward of Lettice’s father.40 Lettice would therefore have come to know him well, and not only did she visit him and his wife at Coleshill on several occasions, but later the two families also cemented their allegiance to one another with a marriage. In April 1598, the Digby’s son and heir, Robert, was married to Lettice’s niece and namesake, the daughter of her youngest sister Katherine and her husband, Gerald FitzGerald, Lord Offaly.41 It was a happy union that would
produce ten children.42
While Lettice was at Buxton she and her friends resided at the Old Hall, a house that had been recently built by the Earl of Shrewsbury to accommodate noble guests to the spa town.43 As a memento of their visit, many visitors scratched their names into the window panes; Lettice’s brother William, the Earl of Leicester, and apparently also Lettice herself, did the same. The message she left supposedly read, ‘Faithful, faultless, yet someway unfortunate, yet must suffer. L. Essex.’44 If Lettice did indeed leave this inscription, it gives us some indication as to her state of mind at this time, and perhaps tells us something of her relationship with her husband. Faithful and faultless clearly refer to how she perceived herself, while the latter half of the inscription could be interpreted in several ways. Perhaps it referred to the suffering Lettice was forced to endure on account of Walter’s absence; alternatively, she may have been intimating that her unfortunate circumstances were because of Walter. By complete contrast, it is just possible that Lettice was not referring to Walter at all; perhaps she was thinking of someone, or something else entirely. She would doubtless have heard of the misunderstanding between her husband and the Earl of Leicester that summer, and her husband’s outburst may have been a source of embarrassment to her. Alternatively, according to gossip that will be examined in due course, Lettice had taken the opportunity of her husband’s absence to conduct an adulterous affair with the Earl of Leicester – the same man who had been accused of flirting with her at court in 1565. The gossip was almost certainly untrue – in the physical sense at least. It is just possible that Leicester may indeed have been on Lettice’s mind at this time.
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