There was, however, a much more forceful stance about the British Empire's defensive commitments in the Far East. The regional strategy had been a long-standing subject for discussion between London and the Antipodean Dominions.40 Since 1923 successive Australian and New Zealand governments had been reassured by their London-based counterparts that the stationing of a Royal Navy fleet at the Singapore Naval Base and the safeguard of that facility ranked only second to the defence of the British Isles themselves.41 But this guarantee had always carried with it a huge caveat, first revealed at the 1911 Imperial Conference when the Admiralty had complained about the Dominions' inability 'to comprehend the true principles of naval policy' and reiterated that the situation in the Pacific would always be 'absolutely regulated by events in the North Sea'.42 By April 1939 increased European tensions meant a variety of previously unanticipated questions now had to be considered. One result of this was that at the Pacific Defence Conference, held in Wellington, only qualified assurances were offered to the Dominions that a fleet would still be sent and the British delegation's assurances of continuing military support were clearly greeted with some suspicion. But there was no panic, at least not at this stage. The New Zealand government publicly 'remained cool-headed', noting that the decision represented a 'departure' from the previously given assurances yet asking merely that a review of Far East strategy be undertaken.43 The following month, in May 1939, the CID privately accepted that the 'Singapore Strategy' was no longer viable. A few weeks later a similar conclusion was reached amongst the Chiefs of Staff Sub-Committee but nothing was said to the Dominions themselves; indeed as far as they were concerned the strategy still held true.44
The decision of the Italian and Japanese governments to remain as bystanders in September 1939 meant that the Royal Navy could, in the short term at least, be deployed mainly in home and Mediterranean waters.45 As has been seen, this also allowed the British government to offer renewed guarantees to the Dominion delegates who visited London two months later that the Far East remained higher on the list of strategic priorities than the Mediterranean. Churchill did this despite the private acceptances that had been reached previously. The position changed with France's rapid collapse, the subsequent entry of Italy into the war and the increasing deterioration of relations with Japan. As it had long feared it would have to do, the DO now found itself having to tell the Dominion leaders that it was most unlikely a fleet could be spared for the Far East.46 Bruce complained bitterly on hearing the news so much so General Sir Hastings Ismay felt obliged to remind him that nobody had foreseen France's collapse, a disaster which removed both her fleet and her naval bases from previous strategic calculations.47 Such interpretations of pre-war British strategic planning were commonplace. Back in 1923 Churchill had argued that to not defend the Pacific Dominions with a British Fleet would be 'an act of desertion, of abrogation of duty and of ingratitude both cruel and fatal'.48 But emotive words dimmed with time; in March 1939 he had stressed to Chamberlain that 'on no account must anything which threatens in the Far East divert us from the prime objective'.49 By the year's end, when he produced his ambiguous memorandum on Australian Naval Defence, he was even more convinced that while fighting Nazi Germany it would not be possible to make commitments in the Far East.50 Official policy emanating from London in the months that followed seemed intent on saying as little as possible and when some form of reply was unavoidable it was given only in the vaguest terms.51
The worsening situation in the Far East was undoubtedly Curtin's primary cause for concern.52 Both he and his government colleagues believed that their soon-to-arrive representative in London would help keep them much better informed of developments. Page had set out with Fadden still in charge, travelling via the Dutch East Indies on to Singapore where he attended a conference at which defence measures for the Far East region were the main subject of discussion. Here he reviewed the significant Australian contribution to the island's defence. An exhaustive review of Singapore's defence capabilities had been concluded by Menzies in October 1940, following which it had been agreed to send Australian troops to the island. This took the form initially of a single brigade from the 8th Division sent with the caveat that it was to be relieved by Indian troops, allowing it to join its parent in the North African theatre. Under the command of General Gordon Bennett, this force had in fact remained and been expanded.53 Despite the change of government Curtin asked Page to continue and the Australian eventually reached Britain by way of the Philippines, the United States and Canada. This choice of route meant that he would not attend his first War Cabinet meeting until the last week of October. In the meantime he looked to Richard Casey, now Australian minister in Washington, to advise him of the American assessment of the situation. Since his arrival in 1940 to take charge of his country's first foreign diplomatic post Casey had proven a great success in establishing excellent contacts in Washington and these told him that the State Department believed there to be 'very little chance' that the Japanese would attack in the near future.54
As Page continued his long journey Mackenzie King cabled the British leader to reassure him. He had entertained the Australian in Ottawa and believed his guest only to be interested in the situation in the Far East with 'no thoughts of urging any kind of an Imperial War Cabinet or representation of Australia in the War Cabinet'.55 This was helpful information as fears remained in London that problems lay ahead. Page's selection was seen by one observer as 'an unfortunate choice' for, despite his being an elder statesman with considerable domestic political experience, he had 'little knowledge of defence or foreign affairs, no experience in diplomacy—he was a doctor by profession [who] owned a cattle station and was Minister of Commerce when appointed—and lacked the strength of character required to stand up to Churchill'. He was held to be 'genial' but at the same time 'fussy and rather stupid', not perhaps the best qualities for the job ahead.56 Others who had met him in Australia were more complimentary in their depiction of a 'straight, kindly country gentleman' although even these noted that he was 'a little inclined to stress the obvious at some length and without any pause for interruption'.57 In official circles there were undoubtedly those who considered Page's presence to be distracting and unhelpful. His bitter complaints at his initial meeting with the British War Cabinet about the poor state of the defences in Singapore and the unsatisfactory assistance he had been given during his journey did not improve the position.58 There was also disquiet among the Dominion high commissioners who were unhappy about the apparently preferential treatment being afforded to Australia.59 Page knew nothing of this and quickly settled down to address what he thought was his principal objective. This was influencing British policy 'while it was still fluid', so that it would bear 'a definite Australian colour and impress'.60
In the first instance this meant trying to obtain an agreement from Churchill to provide reinforcements for the Far East, but he was to make little progress. At the end of August 1941 Canberra had been told that the authorities in London were finally thinking that they would be able to station a naval unit in the Indian Ocean. Curtin had been pleased to hear this news, and he pressed his British counterpart to make good on some of his earlier more grandiose promises, urging that a modern ship be included in this proposed force. Churchill agreed to this, despite the opposition of his most senior naval advisors, and towards the end of October 1941 the authorities in Canberra were informed that the battle cruiser Repulse would be joined by the Royal Navy's latest battleship, the Prince of Wales.61 Page's insistence that more should be done, at the same time drew the response that while Britain was 'resolute to help Australia if she were menaced', Japan was considered to be unlikely to invade. With his access to MAGIC intelligence decrypts, Roosevelt had known since July 1941 of the adoption of a dual policy by the Japanese Imperial Cabinet. This called for negotiations in the first instance and military action if they failed. The discussions between the two sides had subsequently proven lacklustre, at least in part beca
use of America's decision to implement a total oil embargo as 'punishment' for the Japanese invasion of southern Indochina. This economic policy had been resolutely supported by Churchill who maintained the role of interested bystander throughout the negotiations. Believing that Japan was 'likely to pursue a policy of pinpricks' but not 'embark on total war', since late 1940 Whitehall had effectively restricted itself to sending vague warnings to the government in Tokyo. Once more the Dominions were not always fully informed, specifically when these were to be issued, despite the DO's complaints that this left their governments feeling that they were being forced into policies to which they had no input.62
With the alliance still beset by uncertainties, the relationship between the secretary of state and the prime minister showed little sign of improvement. Cranborne still believed not enough information was being supplied and increasingly he was of the view that the point had been reached where the DO was no longer able to function effectively. The most serious problem was the degree to which he was still being excluded from meetings, most significantly those of the War Cabinet and Chiefs of Staff Committees, as a result of which he continued to have little knowledge of the general war situation. This position was known to the London-based high commissioners who bypassed him more and more and went to other sources which talked 'more freely'. This made the Dominions secretary's position 'a farce', one which could only be remedied if he were given a free hand to pass information on as he saw fit using his discretion not to discuss operational matters or any other inappropriate issues. These comments were confirmed by Waterson in a private assessment of the British Commonwealth's position in the war sent to Smuts. In this the British War Cabinet was said to be an ineffective gathering, 'something approaching a cabinet of one who meets his colleagues twice a week and informs them of what is to be done'. As for Churchill he was undoubtedly 'a great national and imperial asset but he is not a superman'. The high commissioner nonetheless continued to remain generally optimistic about the future. He had attended a recent meeting of the local council in Lambeth: 'Proceedings were too like a council meeting to be true! Terrific arguments ... It might have been any town council in the Empire. When you see the similarity of things like these you understand why the Empire hangs together!'63
At the same time as Cranborne was still struggling with Churchill, he also had to keep a close eye on Menzies. Back in the summer Alfred Duff Cooper had been moved from the Ministry of Information to become Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster and he left the following month on a mission to the Far East, where he quickly earned the nickname 'Tough Snooper', to investigate measures for the coordination of regional defence. As part of the report he subsequently produced, he had called for the appointment of a British commissioner general based at Singapore and Menzies' name had been proposed for the job.64 This was the second high-level suggestion in as many months that he be given a new role, the first having come from the governor-general in Canberra in early October. Lord Gowrie had proposed that a seat be found in the House of Commons in London for Menzies where 'his wide experience and knowledge of the Australian outlook would be useful'.65 Both Churchill and Cranborne had dismissed this idea, and the new proposal from Duff Cooper found them no more receptive. It was rejected on the basis that it was uncertain how Menzies would react if he was required to implement instructions to which the authorities in Canberra were opposed.66 Although the situation in the Far East was rapidly deteriorating, Churchill nonetheless seemed generally quite happy with how events were proceeding.67 He was not alone; Bruce had been concerned about the British government's failure to offer any guarantee to the authorities in the Netherlands East Indies.68 The Australian high commissioner's fears had apparently disappeared by late November and, despite having previously been one of the most vocal opponents of letting Washington take charge, he and his Dominion counterparts were now willing to accept that this was the right line to follow.69 Page alone remained worried, largely on the basis of a 'very depressing' interview he had held with Sir Charles Portal, Chief of the Air Staff, who had told him an invasion of the Dutch East Indies might not result in Britain declaring war on Japan.70 This, the Australian warned, would demonstrate how little the feelings of the Dominions on either side of the Tasman were understood and 'break the Empire'. This was in turn relayed to Churchill by his deputy along with the caution that there existed the potential for 'a very serious breach in empire relations'.71 Despite the growing evidence now beginning to accumulate that Japan was poised to attack southwards, there was only silence in response.72
Page's concerns were the exception not the rule; where the Far East was concerned, there appeared to have emerged a surprising inclination to 'follow father'.73 This was, in part, due to other considerations which dominated. Beginning in mid-November 1941 Operation Crusader had been a focus of attention throughout the Empire. British Commonwealth troops had successfully reached Benghazi only to be thrown back, and South African troops were heavily involved earning considerable praise for their bravery. During the course of the fighting the 5th South African Infantry Brigade was overrun at Sidi Rezegh, just south of Tobruk, and approximately 3,000 men were killed, wounded or captured, the worst losses experienced by the South African military in its history. Smuts never publicly criticized the British military leadership for this disaster and he reacted strongly to negative comments made in the South African media but the defeat threatened his domestic political position.74 Meanwhile in Canada 'rampant personal quarrels' and other domestic distractions remained broadly to the fore while New Zealand's voice was also still only rarely raised and even more rarely heard.75 Perhaps the greatest revelation was the degree to which even the Australian government appeared to have fallen noticeably more in line with British thinking. Curtin and his fellow ministers had found many domestic political distractions to occupy themselves as generally positive messages from London and Washington and the optimistic assessments of various British visitors helped ease fears of a possible Japanese attack.76 Such was the growing optimism that parliament was even told in early November there was now no desire by the government to recall the AIF and an earlier decision to send an Armoured Division to the Middle East was confirmed.77 Announcements such as these perhaps helped to explain why the complacency among the Australian public, which British high commissioners had referred to in the past, had if anything become worse.
High profile public criticism of London seemed to come almost solely from Dr Herbert Evatt, Curtin's Attorney-General and Minister for External Affairs. Elected to parliament in 1940, as a justice in the Australian High Court he had previously been a vocal supporter of greater federal powers. His public censure of Britain's failure speedily to declare war on Finland, Hungary and Romania, each of which had sided with Nazi Germany following the latter's attack on the Soviet Union in June 1941, was but one example of the many complaints he had to make. On this occasion though, Churchill responded with a stiff rebuke to Canberra, forcing even Curtin to apologise.78 The reports reaching London about the attitude of the Australian leader were in fact favourable in tone, offering a far more optimistic assessment of his character and abilities than had initially been the case. In mid-October 1941 Air Chief Marshal Sir Robert Brooke-Popham visited Canberra, as commander-in-chief Far East, to offer reassurance that regional security was not being neglected by the chiefs of staff in faraway London. He subsequently provided a detailed analysis for the British authorities of what he had found and perhaps key amongst the points raised was the degree to which he had been impressed by the Australian leader. Equally impressed was Duff Cooper when, in November 1941, he was sent to Canberra to 'tell the Australians how wonderful they are and how almost as wonderful we are'. In a subsequent private letter to Cranborne he recorded that Curtin was 'a modest, sincere, intelligent and honest man and is generally regarded as such'.79
Despite such positive words the Australian leader actually remained greatly distressed about the security situation in the Far East. In mid-November
1941 his chiefs of staff had presented a report to him which made it clear Malaya could not be defended in the event of a major attack by Japan.80 This led to another strongly worded telegram to Whitehall, sent on the first day of December, in which the British government was reminded of its previous promises that there would be strong defences at Singapore. Before any response could be given Japanese forces attacked the US Pacific Fleet stationed at Pearl Harbor and various other British and American targets in the Pacific and South East Asia. As Waterson put it, 'the Japs have gone over the top' and he believed there to be 'a reasonable chance of this year being the last year of the war', although it was not entirely clear who he thought would emerge victorious.81 Churchill immediately hurried to Washington, against the advice of a number of his War Cabinet colleagues, not merely to coordinate the finer details of how the newly expanded alliance would function but also to ensure guarantees about the 'Hitler first' strategy. More commonly referred to by its short 'ABC-1' title, this proposal had originally been agreed in early 1941 during the Washington Staff Conversations. The future Allied effort was to be focused on the European theatre, not the Far East, and the prime minister did not want to see this altered despite the obvious ramifications for the menaced Tasman Dominions.82 A young Nicholas Mansergh, serving in the public relations section of the DO, apparently agreed with the sentiment and he would later write that, from this date, the war had entered an entirely new phase. This would be one in which 'the importance of exclusively Commonwealth organizations declined'.83 The alliance had a new member, one that could itself have been a Dominion had it not broken away, but as it had already shown it held serious doubts about the way in which this coalition was operating. Churchill went to sleep in the knowledge that the Empire was saved and Britain would prevail. There would be a price to pay though, and the long-standing relationship with the Dominions would have to be prominently included in the bargain.
Empire Lost: Britain, the Dominions and the Second World War Page 12
