XII. But Bessus had been seized with a strong impulse to kill Darius at once; fearing, however, that he could not find favour with Alexander unless he should deliver the king alive, putting off his wicked design to the following night, he began to give thanks because Darius had wisely and cautiously avoided the plot of a treacherous man, who already had an eye to the riches of Alexander; that he would have offered his king’s life as a gift to the enemy. And it was not surprising, he said, that a man hired for a fee made everything a matter of traffic; that being without wife or child, without a home, banished from the whole world, he was a treacherous enemy who like a lot is tossed round the sale-room at the nod of bidders.
Then, as Bessus asserted his innocence and called upon his country’s gods as witnesses to his loyalty, Darius assumed an expression of assent, although he had no doubt that the report of the Greeks was true; but the situation had reached such a pass that it was as dangerous not to believe his subjects as to be deceived. Those were 30,000 in number whose untrustworthiness and inclination to crime were feared, Patron had only 4000; if he should trust his safety to the latter, distrusting the loyalty of his countrymen, he saw that he was offering an excuse for treason. Therefore he preferred to be injured undeservedly rather than with justification. Nevertheless, he replied to Bessus, when he denied any treacherous design, that Alexander’s justice was not less clear to him than his valour. That those deceived themselves who looked for a reward for treachery from him; that no one would be a severer chastiser and avenger of violated loyalty.
And now night was approaching, when the Persians after their usual custom laid aside their arms and hastened to bring supplies from the nearest village. But the Bactriani, as Bessus had commanded, remained under arms. Meanwhile Darius ordered Artabazus to be summoned, and when what Patron had reported had been revealed, Artabazus had no doubt that the king ought to cross over to the Greeks’ camp; that the Persians also, when the danger was made known, would follow him. But Darius, unable to escape his destiny and no longer receptive of any wholesome advice, embraced Artabazus, his sole consolation in his present fortune, whom he was about to see for that last time, and, bathed in his own tears and those of his friend, when Artabazus clung to him, ordered that he be pulled away; then, veiling his head, in order not to see Artabazus going away amid lamentations, as if from his funeral pyre, he threw himself prone upon the ground. Then indeed the men accustomed to form his body-guard, who ought to have protected the king’s safety even at the peril of their lives, slipped away, thinking that they would be no match for those who had secretly armed themselves, and whom they believed to be already approaching. Hence there was a vast solitude in the tent except for a few eunuchs who stood around the king because they [10] had no place to which to withdraw. But Darius, dismissing all witnesses, for a long time turned over in his mind one plan after another.
And now, detesting the loneliness which shortly before he had sought as a solace, he ordered Bubaces to be called. Fixing his eyes upon him, the king said: “Go, and look out for your own safety, having shown to the end, as was your duty, fidelity to your king; I shall await here the decree of my destiny. You wonder perhaps that I do not put an end to my life; I prefer to die by another’s crime rather than by my own.” After these words the eunuch filled with his wailing not only the tent but even the whole camp. Then others burst in and, rending their clothes, began to lament the king with mournful and barbaric outcry. The Persians, when the clamour reached their ears, stunned with fear, did not dare either to arm themselves, for fear of falling in with the Bactriani, or to remain quiet, lest they should seem impiously to desert their king.
Varied and discordant shouting without a leader and at no one’s order was heard throughout the whole camp. To Bessus and Nabarzanes their men reported that the king had killed himself — the wailing had misled them — and so they rode to the spot at full speed, followed by those whom they had chosen to perpetrate their crime; and when they entered the tent, because the eunuchs made known to them that the king still lived they ordered him to be seized and bound. That king who shortly before had ridden in a chariot and had been revered with divine authority as well as his royal honours, through the influence of no foreign power, but the prisoner of his own slaves, was placed in a sorry cart covered all over with hides. The king’s money and equipment, as if by the laws of war, was rifled; and laden with booty, acquired by the worst of crimes, the traitors hastened to flee.
Artabazus with those under his command and with the Greek soldiers made for Parthienê, thinking anything safer than a retinue of traitors. The Persians, who had been loaded with promises by Bessus, joined themselves with the Bactriani, especially because there was no one else to follow, having over-taken their army two days later. Nevertheless, that some honour might be paid to the king, they bound Darius in fetters of gold, for Fortune constantly devised new mockeries for the luckless king. Also, lest haply he could be recognized by his regal apparel, they had covered the cart with dirty hides, and unknown persons drove the beasts; in order that he could not be pointed out to any who questioned them on the way, guards followed at a distance.
Alexander audito, Dareum movisse ab Ecbatanis, omisso itinere, quod petebat, in Mediam, fugientem insequi pergit strenue. [2] Tabas — oppidum est in Paraetacene ultima — pervenit: ibi transfugae nuntiant praecipiti fuga Bactra petere Dareum. [3] Certiora deinde cognoscit ex Bagistane Babylonio, qui nondum vinctum regem, sed in periculo esse aut mortis aut vinculorum adfirmabat. [4] Rex ducibus convocatis: [p. 145] ‘Maximum,’ inquit, ‘opus, sed labor brevissimus superest. Dareus haud procul destitutus a suis aut oppressus: in illo corpore posita est nostra victoria, et tanta res celeritatis est praemium.’ [5] Omnes pariter conclamant paratos ipsos sequi: nec labori nec periculo parceret. Igitur raptim agmen cursus magis quam itineris modo ducit ne nocturna quidem quiete diurnum laborem relaxante. [6] Itaque D stadia processit, perventumque erat in vicum, in quo Dareum Bessus conprehenderat. [7] Ibi Melon, Darei interpres, excipitur: corpore aeger non potuerat agmen adsequi et deprehensus celeritate regis transfugam se esse simulabat. Ex hoc acta cognoscit. [8] Sed fatigatis necessaria quies erat: itaque delectis equitum vi milibus CCC, quos dimachas appellabant, adiungit. Dorso hi graviora anna portabant, ceterum equis vehebantur: cum res locusque posceret, pedestris acies erant. [9] Haec agentem Alexandrum adeunt Orsines et Mithracenes: Bessi parricidium exosi transfugerant nuntiabantque stadia D abesse Persas, ipsos brevius iter monstraturos. [10] Gratus regi adventus transfugarum fuit. Itaque prima vespera ducibus isdem cum expedita equitum manu monstratam viam ingreditur phalange, quantum festinare posset, sequi iussa. Ipse quadrato agmine incedens ita cursum regebat, ut prim i coniungi ultimis possent. [11] CCC stadia processerant, cum occurrit Brochubelus, Mazaei filius, Syriae quondam praetor: is quoque transfuga nuntiabat Bessum haud amplius [p. 146] quam ce stadia abesse, exercitum, utpote praedae avidum, inconpositum inordinatumque procedere. [12] Hyrcaniam videri petituros: si festinaret sequi palan tes, superventurum. Dareum adhuc vivere. Strenuo alioqui cupiditatem consequendi transfuga iniecerat: itaque calcaribus subditis effuso cursu eunt. Iamque fremitus hostium iter ingredientium exaudiebatur, sed prospectum ademerat pulveris nubes. Paulisper ergo inhibuit cursum, donec consideret pulvis. [13] Iamque conspecti a barbaris erant et abeuntium agmen conspexerant nequaquam futuri pares, si Besso tantum animi fuisset ad proelium, quantum ad parricidium fuerat. Namque et numero barbari praestabant et robore: ad hoc refecti cum fatigatis certamen inituri erant. [14] Sed nomen Alexandri et fama, [15] maximum in bello utique momen tum, pavidos in fugam avertit. Bessus vero et ceteri facinoris eius participes vehiculum Darei adsecuti coeperunt hortari eum, conscenderet equum et se hosti fuga eriperet. [16] Illе deos ultores adesse testatur et Alexandri fidem inplorans negat se parricidas velle comitari. Tum vero ira quoque accensi tela coiciunt in regem multisque confossum vulneribus relinquunt. [17] Iumenta quoque, ne longius prosequi possent, convulnerant duobus servis, qui regem comitabantur, occisis. [18] Hoc edito f
acinore, ut vestigia fugae spargerent, Nabarzanes Hyrcaniam, Bessus Bactra paucis equitum comitantibus petebant. Barbari ducibus destituía, qua quemque aut spes ducebat aut pavor, dissipabantur : [19] D tantum equites congregaverant se incerti adhuc, resistere melius esset an fugere. Alexander hostium trepidatione conperta Nicanorem cum equitum parte [p. 147] ad inhibendam fugam emittit, ipse cum ceteris sequitur. Tria ferme milia resistentia occisa sunt, reliquum agmen pecudum more intactum agebatur iubente rege, ut caedibus abstineretur. [20] Nemo captivorum erat, qui monstrare Darei vehiculum posset: singula, ut quaeque prenderent, scrutabantur, nec tamen ullum vestigium fugae regis extabat. [21] Festinantem Alexandrum vix III milia equitum persecuta sunt. At in eos, qui lentius sequebantur, incidebant universa fugientium agmina. [22] Vix credibile dictu, plures captivi quam, qui caperent, erant : adeo omnem sensum territis fortuna penitus excusserat, ut nec hostium paucitatem nec multitudinem suam satis cernerent. [23] Interim iumenta, quae Dareum vehebant, nullo regente decesserant militari via et errore delata per quattuor stadia in quadam valle constiterant aestu simulque vulneribus fatigata. [24] Haud procul erat fons: ad quem monstratum a peritis Polystratus Macedo siti maceratus accessit аc, dum galea haustam aquam sorbet, tela iumentorum deficientium corporibus infixa conspexit. [25] Miratusque, confossa potius quam abacta esse, semivivi hominis1 gemitum percipit. Itaque more ingenii humani cupidus visendi, quid rei vehiculo isto conderetur, dimotis pellibus, quibus obtectum erat, Dareum multis vulneribus confossum repperit. Regius enim cultus et aureae catenae, quibus a parricidis vinctus erat, dubitationem eximebant. Non erat expers Graeci sermonis Dareus [p. 148] gratiasque agebat dis, qui post tanta mala hoc tamen induisissent solacii, ne omnino in solitudine extremum spiritum effunderct. ‘Itaque te,’ inquit, ‘quisquis es mortalium, per communem hominum sortem, a qua ne maximos quidem reges exemptos esse praesenti spectaculo moneris, rogo quaesoque, ut haec ad Alexandrum mandata per feras: nihil eorum, quae longe tristissima perpessus sum, ne hunc quidem incredibilis calamitatis exitum tam gravem mihi accidisse quam illud, quod post tanta in me meosque merita adversus clementissimum victorem inimico vivendum fuit et nunc ingrato moriendum est. Sed — si qua extremis miserorum votis apud deos vis est, et cum ipso spiritu profusas preces aliquod numen exaudit — ille quidem sospes et incolumis longeque supra sortem fortunae meae et invidiam deorum positus in solio Cyri gloriosam aetatem exigat suaeque virtutis memor eum matri liberisque meis locum apud se esse patiatur, quem illi fide et obsequio meruerint. At parricidas promptum exitium consequatur, quod Alexander inrogabit, si non misericordia infelicis hostis, saltem odio facinorum, et ne inpunita in aliorum etiam regum suumque ipsius exitium erumpant.’ Post haec, cum siti angeretur, adlata per Polystratum aqua recreatus: ‘Ergo,’ inquit, ‘hanc etiam tantis calamitatibus extremam accedere oportuit, ut bene merito gratiam referre non possim: at refer et Alexander, Alexandro vero di.’ Dextram deinde protendit eamque Alexandro fidei regiae pignus ferri iubens adprehensa Polystrati manu animam efflavit. Alexander num spiranti adhuc supervenerit, incertum est: illud constat miserabili regis opulentissimi exitu conperto plurimas lacrimas profudisse statimque chlamyde sibi detracta corpus operuisse et magno cum honore ad suos deferri iussisse, ut regio Persarum more curatum monumentis maiorum inferretur. Perfidiam hominum, a quibus pro summis beneficiis crudelissimum exitium Dareus pertulit, quamquam suapte natura horrendem et execrabilem, insigniore ad posteritatem [p. 149] infamia notavit canis cuiusdam mira fides, qui ab omnibus familiaribus destitute solus adfuit et eandem, quam vivo, adulationem morienti praestitit. Hunc vitae finem sortitus est ille, quem modo contumelia adfici putabant, nisi regem regum et deorum consanguineum salutarent; magnoque denuo experimento conprobatum est neminem magis patere fortunae, quam qui plurimis eius beneficiis ornatus iugum eius tota cervice receperit.
XIII. Alexander, when he heard that Darius had moved from Ecbatana, abandoning the journey he was seeking to make into Media, quickly proceeded to follow after the fleeing king. He came to Tabae — it is a town in the farthest part of Paraetacene — ; there deserters reported that Darius in headlong flight was on his way to Bactra. Then he had more definite news from Bagistanes, a Babylonian, who declared that Darius was not yet a prisoner, but that he was in danger either of death or of fetters. Alexander, having called together his generals, said: “A very great task is left us, but the labour will be very short. Darius is not far away, deserted by his own troops or overwhelmed; on that body of his depends our victory, and so great a prize is the reward of speed.” All alike shout that they are ready to follow; let him spare neither toil nor danger. Therefore Alexander hurriedly leads on his army, rather as if racing than as marching, not resting even by night to relax the day’s toil. And in this way he advanced for 500 stadia, and had arrived at the village in which Bessus had seized Darius. There Melon, Darius’ interpreter, was captured; being ailing in body, he had been unable to keep up with the army, and when caught by Alexander’s swiftness he pretended to be a deserter. From him Alexander learned what had been done. But rest was necessary for his wearied men; therefore to 6000 elite horsemen he added 300 of the troops called dimachae. These carried heavier armour on their backs, but rode on horses; when the occasion and the situation demanded, they fought on foot.
While Alexander was thus occupied, Orsines and Mithracenes came to him; since they detested the treason of Bessus, they had deserted and now reported that the Persians were 500 stadia distant, that they [10] would show him a shorter route. The king was gratified by the coming of the deserters. Accordingly, at the beginning of evening under their guidance he set out with a light-armed troop of horsemen on the road which they had pointed out, having ordered the phalanx to follow with all possible speed. He himself, advancing in order of battle, so regulated his speed that the foremost should not become separated from the hindermost. He had gone on for 300 stadia, when Brochubelus, son of Mazaeus, formerly satrap of Syria, met him; he also was a deserter and reported that Bessus was not more than 200 stadia distant, and that his army, being greedy for plunder, was marching in confusion and disorder. That they seemed to be about to make for Hyrcania; if Alexander should hasten to follow them while straggling, he would surprise them. Darius, he said, was still alive. Alexander was a man of swift action at other times also, and now the deserter had inspired him with eagerness to overtake the king; and so, plying the spurs, they went on at top speed.
And already the noise of the enemy as they marched was plainly heard, but a cloud of dust had hidden them from sight. Therefore Alexander checked his advance for a while, waiting for the dust to settle. And now they had been seen by the barbarians and had caught sight of their retreating army, for which they would by no means have been a match if Bessus had had as much spirit for fighting as he had had for treason. For the barbarians were superior both in number and in strength; and besides their fresh soldiers would have entered battle with wearied men. But the name of Alexander and his fame, of especially great import in war, so terrified them that they turned to flight. Bessus indeed and the other accomplices in his crime, coming up to the cart in which Darius was, began to urge the king to mount a horse and rescue himself from the enemy by flight. Darius declared that the avenging gods were at hand, and imploring Alexander’s protection, said that he had no desire to accompany traitors. Then truly, inflamed also by wrath, they hurled javelins at the king and left him pierced through by many wounds. They also maimed the beasts, to prevent them from being able to go farther, and killed the two slaves who accompanied the king.
Having committed this crime, in order to spread in different directions the traces of their flight, Nabarzanes made for Hyrcania, Bessus for Bactra, accompanied by a few horsemen. The barbarians, bereft of their leaders, were scattered in whatever direction hope or fear led each man; only 500 horse were massed together, uncertain as yet whether it would be better to resist or to flee. Alexander, informed of the consternation of the enemy, sent Nicanor on with a part of the cavalry to prevent their flight and himself followed with the rest. Nearly
3000 who resisted were slain, the rest of the troop were driven along like so many cattle, uninjured, since the king gave orders that none should be killed. There was no one among the prisoners who could give information about the cart carrying Darius; each wagon, as they took it, was searched, but yet no trace of the king’s flight appeared. Barely 3000 of the horsemen kept up with Alexander in his haste. But into the hands of those who were following more slowly whole companies of the fugitives fell. Almost incredible to relate, the prisoners were more numerous than men who captured them; to such a degree had Fortune deprived the panic-stricken barbarians of all sense, that they were unable to comprehend properly either the small number of their foes or their own great multitude.
Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus Page 97
