Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus

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by Quintus Curtius Rufus


  XII. From there the king went on to Ecbolima, and when he had found that a narrow part of the road was blocked by a certain Erices with 20,000 armed men, he turned over the heavier part of the army to [2] Coenus to be led at a moderate pace, and he himself, going ahead, dislodged by slingers and archers those who had beset the narrows, and make a way for the [3] forces which were following him. The Indi, either through hatred of their leader, or with the object of entering the good graces of the victor, attacked Erices, who was in flight, killed him, and bore his head and armour to Alexander. He granted impunity to the deed, but refused any honour to the example.

  From here he came on the sixteenth day to the river Indus, and found, as he had directed, that everything had been prepared by Hephaestion for crossing it. In that region Omphis was king, who had induced his father also to surrender his kingdom [5] to Alexander and after the death of his parent had sent envoys to ask Alexander whether he wished him to reign in the interim, or as a private citizen to await [6] his coming. But although he was allowed to be king, he nevertheless did not have the courage to use the privilege which was granted him. He indeed had received Hephaestion courteously, had measured out grain free of charge to his troops, yet had not met him, fearing to test the good faith of anyone except [7] the king. And so, when Alexander was coming near, he went out to meet him with his army equipped for action, in which he had also at moderate intervals between the companies of soldiers placed elephants, which at a distance gave the appearance of castles.

  [8] And Alexander at first thought that not an ally but an enemy was coming, and he also had already ordered his soldiers to take arms and the cavalry to withdraw to the wings, and was prepared for battle.

  But the Indian, perceiving the mistake of the Macedonians, ordered the rest of his force to halt and himself put spurs to the horse which he was riding; Alexander did the same, whether he came as an enemy or a friend feeling safe either through his own [9] valour or the prince’s good faith. They met, as could be judged from the expression of each, in a spirit of friendship. However, they could not talk together without an interpreter; accordingly, when one had been furnished, the barbarian said that he had met Alexander with his army, intending at once to deliver to him all the forces of his empire, and had not waited for a pledge of safety to be given through [10] messengers. He said that he entrusted his person and his realm to a prince whom he knew to be fighting for glory and to fear nothing more than a reputation for treachery. Pleased by the sincerity of the barbarian, the king gave him his hand as a pledge of [11] good faith, and restored his kingdom to him. There were fifty-six elephants, which he presented to Alexander, besides many head of sheep of extraordinary size and about 3000 bulls, a herd highly valued in that region and pleasing to the minds of rulers.

  [12] When Alexander inquired whether he had more field-labourers or soldiers, Omphis replied that since he was at war with two kings, he needed a greater [13] force of soldiers than of farmers. These kings were Abisares and Porus, but Porus was the more powerful. Both reigned beyond the river Hydaspes, and they had decided to try the fortune of war against [14] anyone who attacked them. Omphis with the permission of Alexander assumed the royal diadem, and according to the usage of his race took the name which his father had had; the people called him Taxiles, a name which went with the sovereignty [15] of whoever succeeded to it. Having then entertained Alexander as his guest for three days, on the fourth day he both made known how much grain he had furnished to the forces which Hephaestion had brought, and gave golden crowns to Alexander and to all his friends, and besides these eighty talents of coined silver as a gift. Alexander, wonderfully [16] pleased by his generosity, both returned what he had given and added 1000 talents from the booty which he was carrying, besides many gold and silver vessels for use at table, a quantity of Persian robes, and thirty of his own horses with the same trappings to which they were accustomed when he himself rode them.

  [17] This liberality, although it put the barbarian under an obligation, yet seriously offended the king’s friends. One of them, Meleager, having indulged too freely in wine, said at table that he congratulated Alexander that at least in India he had found a man [18] deserving of 1000 talents. The king, not forgetting how deeply he had regretted having killed Clitus because of his rash language, restrained his anger, but said that jealous men were nothing less than self-tormentors.

  Postero die legati Abisarae adiere regem: omnia dicioni eius, ita ut mandatum erat, permittebant firmataque invicem fide remittuntur ad regem. [2] Porum quoque nominis sui fama ratus ad deditionem posse conpelli misit ad eum Cleocharen, qui denuntiaret ei, ut Stipendium penderet et in primo suorum finium aditu occurreret regi. Porus alterum ex his facturum sese respondit, ut intranti regnum suum praesto esset, sed armatus. [3] Iam Hydaspen Alexander superare decreverat, cum Barzaentes, defectionis Arachosiis auctor, vinctus trigintaque elephanti simul capti perducuntur, opportunum adversus Indos auxilium: quippe plus in beluis quam in exercitu spei ac virium illis erat. [4] Damaraxus quoque, rex exiguae partis Indorum, qui Barzaenti se coniunxerat, vinctus adductus est. [5] Igitur [p. 298] transfuga et regulo in custodiam, elephantis autem Taxili traditio ad amnem Hydaspen pervenit, in cuius ulteriore ripa Porus consederat transitu prohibiturus hostem. [6] LXXX et V elephantos obiecerat eximio corporum robore ultraque eos currus CCC et peditum XXX fere milia, in quis erant sagittarii, sicuti ante dictum est, gravioribus telis, quam ut apte excuti possent. [7] Ipsum vehebat elephantus super ceteras beluas eminens, armaque auro et argento distincta corpus rarae magnitudinis honestabant. [8] Par animus robori corporis et, quanta inter rudes poterat esse, sapientia. Macedonas non conspectus hostium solum, sed etiam fluminis, quod transeundum erat, magnitudo terrebat. in latitudinem stadia diffusus profundo alveo et nusquam vada aperiente speciem vasti maris fecerat. [9] Nec pro spatio aquarum late stagnantium impetum coercebat, sed quasi in artum coeuntibus ripis torrens et elisus ferebatur, occultaque saxa inesse ostendebant pluribus locis undae repercussae. [10] Terribilior facies erat ripae, quam equi virique conpleverant. Stabant ingentes vastorum corporum moles et de industria inritatae horrendo Stridore aures fatigabant. [11] Hinc amnis, hinc hostis capacia quidem bonae spei pectora et saepe sane experta inproviso tamen pavore percusserant. [12] Quippe instabiles rates nec dirigi ad ripam nec tuto adplicari posse credebant. Erant in medio amne insulae crebrae, in quas et Indi et Macedones nantes levatis super capita armis transibant. Ibi levia proelia [p. 299] conserebantur, et uterque rex parvae rei discrimine summae experiebatur eventum. [13] Ceterum in Macedonum exercitu temeritate atque audacia insignes fuere Hegesimachus et Nicanor, nobiles iuvenes et perpetua partium felicitate ad spernendum omne periculum accensi: [14] quis ducibus promptissimi iuvenum lanceis modo armati transnavere in insulam, quam frequens hostis tenebat, multosque Indorum nulla re melius quam audacia armati interemerunt. [15] Abire cum gloria poterant, si umquam temeritas felix inveniret modum: sed dum supervenientes contemptim et superbe quoque expectant, circumventi ab iis, qui occulti enaverant, eminus obruti telis sunt. [16] Qui effugerant hostem, aut impetu amnis ablati sunt aut verticibus inpliciti. Eaque pugna multum Pori fiduciam erexit cuncta cernentis e ripa. [17] Alexander inops consilii tandem ad fallendum hostem talem dolum intendit. Erat insula in flumine amplior ceteris, silvetris eadem et tegendis insidiis apta, fossa quoque praealta haud procul ripa, quam tenebat ipse, non pedites modo, sed etiam cum equis viros poterat abscondere: [18] igitur ut a custodia huius opportunitatis oculos hosfium averteret, Ptolomaeum omnibus turmis obequitare iussit procul insula et subinde Indos clamore terrere, quasi flumen transnaturus foret. [19] Per conplures dies Ptolomaeus id fecit eoque consilio Porum quoque agmen suum ei parti, quam se petere [p. 300] simulabat, coegit advertere. [20] Iam extra conspectum hostis insula erat. Alexander in diversa parte ripae statui suum tabernaculum iussit adsuetamque comitari ipsum cohortem ante id tabernaculum stare et omnem apparatum regiae magnificentiae hostium oculis de industria ostendi. [21] Attalum etiam, aequalem sibi et haud disparem habitu oris e
t corporis, utique cum procul viseretur, veste regia exornat praebiturum speciem, ipsum regem illi ripae praesidere nec cogitare de transitu. [22] Huius consilii effectum primo morata tempestas est, mox adiuvit incommoda quoque ad bonos eventus vertente fortuna. [23] Traicere amnem cum ceteris copiis in regionem insulae, de qua ante dictum est, parabat averso hoste in eos, qui cum Ptolomaeo inferiorem obsederant ripam, cum procella imbrem vix sub tectis tolerabilem effundit. Obrutique milites nimbo in terram refugerunt navigiis ratibusque desertis, sed tumultuantium fremitus obstrepentibus ventis ab hoste non poterat audiri. [24] Deinde momento temporis repressus est imber, ceterum adeo spissae intendere se nubes, ut conderent lucem vixque conloquentium inter ipsos facies noscitarentur. [25] Terruisset alium obducta nox caelo, cum ignoto amne navigandum esset, forsitan hoste eam ipsam ripam, quam caeci atque inprovidi petebant, tenente. [26] At rex periculo gloriam accersens et obscuritatem, quae ceteros terrebat, suam occasionem ratus dato signo, ut omnes silentio escenderent in rates, [27] eam, qua ipse vehebatur, primam iussit expelli. [p. 301] Vacua erat ab hostibus ripa, quae petebatur: quippe adhuc Porus Ptolomaeum tantum intuebatur. Una ergo navi, quam petrae fluctus inliserat, haerente ceterae evadunt, armaque capere milites et ire in ordines iussit.

  XIII. On the following day envoys of Abisares came to the king. They, according to their orders, surrendered everything into his power; and having given and received a pledge of good faith, they were [2] sent back to their king. Thinking that Porus also could be forced to surrender by the fame of his name, Alexander sent Cleochares to him to demand that he should pay tribute and meet Alexander at the frontier of his territories. Porus replied that he would comply with the second of these demands, that he would be on hand when Alexander entered his realm, but it [3] would be in arms. Alexander had already decided to cross the Hydaspes River, when Barzaentes, the instigator of the revolt of the Arachosii, was brought to him in fetters, as well as thirty elephants which had been captured at the same time with him, a timely aid against the Indi; for they had more hope and strength in those beasts than in their army. Damaraxus also, the king of a small district of India, who had allied himself with Barzaentes, was brought to Alexander in fetters. Accordingly, when the [5] deserter and the prince had been put under guard and the elephants given to Taxiles, Alexander came to the river Hydaspes, on whose farther bank Porus had taken position, intending to prevent the enemy [6] from crossing. Porus had put in front eighty-five elephants of extraordinary strength of body, and behind these 300 chariots and about 30,000 foot-soldiers, among whom were archers with heavier arrows, as was said before, than they could shoot to advantage.

  [7] Porus himself was mounted upon an elephant towering above the rest of the brutes, and armour decorated with gold and silver adorned a body of unusual stature. His courage was equal to his strength of body, and his wisdom was as great as [8] could be found among uncultivated folk. Not merely the appearance of the enemy, but also the size of the river that must be crossed terrified the Macedonians. Extending to a width of four stadia, with a deep channel which nowhere disclosed a ford, it gave [9] the impression of a vast sea. And it did not check its swift course in proportion to the extent of its widely spread waters, but as if confined by its banks to a narrow channel, it rushed on in a foaming torrent, and rebounding billows revealed hidden [10] rocks in many places. Still more formidable was the appearance of the bank, which had been filled with horses and men. There stood huge masses of vast bodies, and when they were purposely irritated they wearied the ears with their hideous trumpeting. On one hand the river, on the other the enemy had nevertheless struck unlooked-for terror into breasts which were indeed capable of good hope and had surely often seen such hope realized. For they thought that the unsteady boats could not be steered to the bank nor landed there in safety. [12] There were in midstream numerous islands, to which both the Indi and the Macedonians crossed by swimming, raising their weapons over their heads. There light skirmishing took place, and both kings by the decision of these small contests were testing [13] the outcome of the main struggle. Now there were in the army of the Macedonians Hegesimachus and Nicanor, high-born youths conspicuous for rashness and daring, aroused by the constant good fortune of [14] their side to despise all dangers; under their lead the most active of the young men, armed only with lances, swam across to an island which a crowd of the enemy held and, armed with nothing better than [15] daring, slew many of the Indi. They might have come off with glory if successful rashness were ever capable of moderation; but while they were awaiting contemptuously and even haughtily those who were coming against them, they were surrounded by those who had secretly swum out and were overwhelmed [16] by weapons hurled at long range. Those who had escaped the enemy were swept away by the force of the river or swallowed up in the whirlpools. And this battle greatly increased the confidence of Porus, who saw the whole event from the bank.

  [17] Alexander, uncertain what to do, finally devised the following stratagem to deceive the enemy. There was an island in the river larger than the rest, wooded also and suitable for concealing an ambuscade, moreover in a very deep ditch not far from the bank which he himself held he could conceal not only foot-soldiers but even men and their horses; therefore, in order to distract the enemy’s attention [18] from guarding against this advantageous place, he ordered Ptolemy “with all his cavalry to ride to a point far from that island, and from time to time to alarm the Indi by shouts, as if they were going to [19] swim across the river. For many days Ptolemy did this, and by this device compelled Porus also to turn his army to that part at which he pretended to be aiming. Already the island was out of the enemy’s [20] sight. Alexander ordered his tent to be pitched on a different part of the bank, and the cohort which usually attended him to stand before that tent and all the equipment of royal magnificence to be purposely [21] displayed before the eyes of the foe. Attalus also, of the same age as himself and not unlike him in face and figure, especially when he was seen from a distance, he adorned with the royal robe, in order to give the impression that the king himself was encamped on that part of the bank and was not thinking of crossing.

  [22] The carrying out of this plan was first delayed then furthered by a storm, since Fortune turned even [23] obstacles to good results. He was preparing to cross the river with the rest of his forces to the shore near the island of which mention was made before, having diverted the attention of the enemy against those who, with Ptolemy, had occupied a part of the bank farther down the river, when a tempest poured out rain which was scarcely to be endured by people [24] under cover. And the soldiers, overwhelmed by the storm, fled back to the land, deserting the boats and the rafts, but the uproar made by the bustling men was drowned by the noisy gusts of wind and could not be heard by the enemy. Then in a moment the rain ceased, but such thick clouds overspread the sky that they hid the light, and men who were talking together [25] could scarcely recognize each other’s faces. The night that darkened the sky would have terrified anyone else, since it was necessary to sail upon an unknown river, when perhaps the enemy were holding that very bank at which they were blindly and recklessly [26] aiming. But the king, inviting glory by courting danger, and thinking that the obscurity which terrified the rest was his opportunity, having given the signal for all silently to embark in the boats, ordered the one in which he himself was carried to be [27] pushed off first. The bank at which they aimed was deserted by the enemy; for Porus was still watching Ptolemy only. Therefore only one boat, which a wave had dashed upon a rock, was stranded; the rest reached their goal, and Alexander ordered his soldiers to arm themselves and take their places in the ranks.

  Iamque agmen in cornua divisum ipse ducebat, cum Poro nuntiatur armis virisque ripam obtineri et rerum adesse discrimen. Ac primo humani ingenii vitio spei suae indulgens Abisaren belli socium — et ita convenerat — [2] adventare credebat. Mox liquidiore luce aperiente aciem hostium C quadrigas et IIII milia equitum venienti agmini obiecit. Dux erat copiarum, quas praemisit, Spitaces, frater ipsiu
s, summa virium in curribus: [3] senos viros singuli vehebant, duos clipeatos, duos sagittarios ab utroque latere dispositos, aurigae erant ceteri haud sane inermes: quippe iacula conplura, ubi comminus proeliandum erat, omissis habenis in hostem ingerebant. [4] Ceterum vix ullus usus huius auxilii eo die fuit. Namque, ut supra dictum est, imber violentius quam alias fusus campos lubricos et inequitabiles fecerat, gravesque et propemodum inmobiles currus inluvie ac voraginibus haerebant. [5] Contra Alexander expedito ac levi agmine strenue invectus est. Scythae et Dahae primi omnium invasere Indos: Perdiccam deinde cum equitibus in dextrum cornu hostium emisit. [6] Iam undique pugna se moverat, cum ii, qui currus agebant, illud ultimum auxilium suorum [p. 302] rati effusis habenis in medium discrimen ruere coeperunt. [7] Anceps id malum utrisque erat. Nam et Macedonum pedites primo impetu obterebantur, et per lubrica atque invia inmissi currus excutiebant eos, a quibus regebantur. [8] Aliorum turbati equi non in voragines modo lacunasque, sed etiam in amnem praecipitavere curricula, [9] pauci telis hostium exacti penetravere ad Pomm acerrime pugnam cientem. Is, ut dissipatos tota acie currus vagari sine rectoribus vidit, proximis amicorum distribuit elephantos. [10] Post eos posuerat pеditem ac sagittarios et tympana pulsare solitos: id pro cantu tubarum Indis erat, nec strepitu eorum movebantur olim ad notum sonum auribus mitigatis. [11] Herculis simulacrum agmini peditum praeferebatur: id maximum erat bellantibus incitamentum, [12] et deseruisse gestantis militare flagitium habebatur. Capitis etiam sanxerant poenam iis, qui ex acie non rettulissent, metu, quem ex illo hoste quondam conceperant, etiam in religionem venerationemque converso. Macedonas non beluarum modo, [13] sed etiam ipsius regis aspectus parumper inhibuit. Beluae dispositae inter armatos speciem turrium procul fecerant, ipse Porus humanae magnitudinis prope modum excesserat: speciem magnitudini Pori adicere videbatur belua, qua vehebatur, [14] tantum inter ceteras eminens, quanio aliis ipse praestabat. Itaque Alexander contemplatus et regem et agmen [p. 303] Indorum: ‘Tandem,’ inquit, ‘par animo meo periculum video: cum bestiis simul et cum egregiis viris res est.’ Intuensque Coenon: [15] ‘Cum ego,’ inquit, ‘Ptolomaeo Perdiccaque et Hephaestione comitatus in laevum hostium cornu impetum fecero, viderisque me in medio ardore certaminis, ipse dextrum move et turbatis signa infer. Tu, Antigene, et tu, Leonnate, et Tauron, iam invehemini in mediam aciem et urgebitis frontem. [16] Hastae nostrae praelongae et validae non alias magis quam adversus beluas rectoresque earum usui esse poterunt : deturbate eos, qui vehuntur, et ipsas confodite. Anceps genus auxilii est et in suos acrius furit: in hostem enim imperio, [17] in suos pavore agitur.’ Haec elocutus concitat equum primus. Iamque, ut destinatum erat, invaserat ordines hostium, cum Coenus ingenti vi a laevo cornu invehitur. [18] Phalanx quoque mediam Indorum aciem uno impetu perrupit. At Porus, qua equitem invehi senserat, beluas agi iussit: sed tardum et paene inmobile animal equorum velocitatem aequare non poterat. Ne sagittarum quidem ullus erat barbarie usus. [19] Quippe longas et praegraves, nisi prius in terra statuerunt arcum, haud satis apte et commode inponunt, tum humo lubrica et ob id inpediente conatum molientes ictus celeritate hostium occupantur. [p. 304] [20] Ergo spreto regis imperio — quod fere fit, ubi turbatis acrius metus quam dux imperare coepit — totidem erant imperatores, quot agmina errabant: [21] alius iungere aciem, alius dividere, stare quidam et nonnulli circumvehi terga hostium iubebant, [22] nihil in medium consulebatur. Porus tamen cum paucis, quibus metu potior fuerat pudor, colligere dispersos, obvius hosti ire pergit elephantosque ante agmen suorum agi iubet. [23] Magnum beluae iniecere terrorem, insolitusque stridor non equos modo, [24] tam pavidum ad omnia animal, sed viros quoque ordinesque turbaverat. Iam fugae circumspiciebant locum paulo ante victores, cum Alexander Agrianos et Thracas leviter armatos, meliorem concursatione quam communis militem, emisit in beluas. [25] Ingentem hi vim telorum iniecere et elephantis et regentibus eos. Phalanx quoque instare constanter territis coepit. [26] Sed quidam avidius persecuti beluas in semet inritavere vulneribus. [27] Obtriti ergo pedibus earum ceteris, ut parcius instarent, fuere documentum. [28] Praecipue terribilis ilia facies erat, cum manu arma virosque corriperent et super se regentibus traderent. Anceps ergo pugna nunc sequentium, nunc fugientium elephantos in multum diei varium certamen extraxit, donec securibus — id namque genus auxilii praeparatum erat — [29] pedes amputare coeperunt. Copidas vocabant gladios leviter curvatos, falcibus similes, quis adpetebant beluarum manus. Nec quicquam inexpertum non mortis modo, sed etiam in ipsa morte novi supplicii timor omittebat. [30] Ergo elephanti vulneribus [p. 305] tandem fatigati suos impetu sternunt, et, qui rexerant eos, praecipitati in terram ab ipsis obterebantur. Iamque pecorum modo magis pavidi quam infesti ultra aciem exigebantur, [31] cum Porus destitutus a pluribus tela multa ante praeparata in circumfusos ex elephanto suo coepit ingerere. Multisque eminus vulneratis expositus ipse ad ictus undique petebatur. [32] Novem iam vulnera hinc tergo, illinc pectore exceperat multoque sanguine profuso languidis manibus magis elapsa quam excussa tela mittebat. [33] Nec segnius belua instincta rabie, nondum saucia invehebatur ordinibus, donec rector beluae regem conspexit fluentibus membris omissisque armis vix compotem mentis. [34] Tum beluam in fugam concitat sequente Alexandro: sed equus eius multis vulneribus confossus deficiensque procubuit posito magis rege quam effuso. [35] Itaque, dum equum mutat, tardius insecutus est. Interim frater Taxilis, regis Indorum, praemissus ab Alexandro monere coepit Porum, ne ultima experiri perseveraret dederetque se victori. [36] At ille, quamquam exhaustae erant vires deficiebatque sanguis, tamen ad notam vocem excitatus: ‘Agnosco,’ inquit, ‘Taxilis fratrem, imperii regnique sui proditoris,’ et telum, quod unum forte non effluxerat, contorsit in eum: quod per medium pectus penetravit ad tergum. [37] Hoc ultimo virtutis opere edito fugere acrius coepit. Sed elephantus quoque, qui multa exceperat tela, deficiebat: itaque sistit fugam [p. 306] peditemque sequenti hosti obiecit. [38] Iam Alexander consecutus erat et pertinacia Pori cognita vetabat resistentibus parci. Ergo undique et in pedites et in ipsum Porum tela congesta sunt, quis tandem gravatus labi ex belua coepit. [39] Indus, qui elephantum regebat, descendere eum ratus more solito elephantum procumbere iussit in genua: qui ut se submisit, ceteri quoque — ita enim instituti erant — demisere corpora in terram. [40] Ea res et Porum et ceteros victoribus tradidit.) Rex spoliari corpus Pori, interemptum esse credens, iubet, et, qui detraherent loricam vestemque, concurrere, cum belua dominum tueri et spoliantes coepit adpetere levatumque corpus eius rursus dorso suo inponere. Ergo telis undique obruitur, confossoque eo in vehiculum Porus inponitur. [41] Quem rex ut vidit adlevantem oculos, non odio, sed miseratione commotus: ‘Quae, malum,’ inquit, ‘amentia te coegit rerum mearum cognita fama belli fortunam experiri, cum Taxilis esset in deditos clementiae meae tam propinquum tibi exemplum?’ [42] At ille: ‘Quoniam,’ inquit, ‘percontaris, respondebo ea libertate, quam interrogando fecisti: neminem me fortiorem esse censebam. Meas enim noveram vires, nondum expertus tuas: fortiorem esse te belli docuit eventus. Sed ne sic quidem parum felix sum, secundus tibi.’ Rursus interrogatus, quid ipse victorem statuere debere censeret: [43] ‘Quod hic,’ inquit, ‘dies tibi suadet, [44] quo expertus es, quam caduca felicitas esset.’ Plus monendo profecit, quam si precatus esset: quippe magnitudinem animi eius interritam ac ne fortuna [p. 307] quidem infractam non misericordia modo, sed etiam honore excipere dignatus est. [45] Aegrum curavit haud secus, quam si pro ipso pugnasset: confirmatum contra spem omnium in amicorum numerum recepit, mоx donavit ampliore regno, quam tenuit. [46] Nec sane quicquam ingenium eius solidius aut constantius habuit quam admirationem verae laudis et gloriae: simplicius tamen famam aestimabat in hoste quam in cive. Quippe a suis credebat magnitudinem suam destrui posse, eandem clariorem fore, quo maiores fuissent, quos ipse vicisset.

 

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