Ironically the assertion by the early settlers that their treaties were legal and therefore just is used today in ways that would have horrified them. Davy Crockett TV star Fess Parker went into partnership with the Chumash tribe to develop a massive resort in Santa Barbara, California, arguing that the Chumash were a sovereign nation under ancient treaties, and thus not subject to city council zoning regulations – a consequence surely unanticipated when the treaties were signed.
On a more fundamental level, in their dealings with the natives the first settlers established the mental precedent that processes and principles are the same thing. Thus the processes of democracy came to be indistinguishable from democracy itself, so that in modern times America can install the institutions of representative government in Vietnam or Iraq and then assert, with apparent sincerity, that the resultant regimes are by definition democratic. The institutions of representative government appeared in some American colonies almost as soon as the first settlers arrived. In its fullest form, however, American democracy can be said to have originated with the ratification of the US Constitution in 1788. Before that could happen the new nation had to break away from the British empire.
French America
With hindsight the American rebellion against British rule was one of the most profoundly important events in world history. At the time the rest of the world thought of it as a relatively minor piece of theatre in a global conflict. However bitter the fighting in North America, and however momentous the conclusion, the eyes of the rest of the world were not upon it. It is impossible to understand how English colonists were able to transform themselves into the American nation without understanding what was happening across the Atlantic. In Europe the most important events of the period were happening in the centre of the continent. Russia, Austria and Prussia had between them annexed half of Poland. Austria and Prussia were thrown into the War of Bavarian Succession, and Russia turned its eyes south towards the Ottoman empire, effectively annexing the Crimea and gaining ports on the Black Sea for the first time. Russians colonised down the Volga as energetically as Americans wanted to push to the Mississippi.
On the fringes of Europe were nations not yet ready to intervene in the cauldron of Central European politics. England, Holland and France had long since joined Spain and Portugal in the race for empire. At one time even Scotland, then still fiercely independent, had a colony in Central America, the disastrous failure of which financially ruined the Edinburgh establishment and helped create the conditions for union with England. France especially had emerged as a major power and one determined to establish its authority in both the old world and the new.
The French imperial model contained elements of both the Russian and the English. Like Russia, France’s imperial expansion was driven by the state, although not necessarily by the monarch: Louis XV’s idea of a call to arms was to throw himself into the embrace of Mme de Pompadour or Mme du Barry. It is interesting to speculate what Peter the Great made of the French monarch’s predilections during his extravagant state visit to France in 1717.
In the Americas the early French colonists were just like the early English: they much preferred the West Indies to more northern climes. Despite the high mortality rates ten times as many headed for the Caribbean as for Canada, taking with them shiploads of African slaves. Those French emigrants who survived settled into a life of plantations and piracy. Like the English, much smaller numbers went north to the fishing grounds of Acadia and inland along the St Lawrence river. The French explorer Jacques Cartier ventured along the St Lawrence as far as what is now Montreal in the 1530s, but disease and native hostility compelled early settlements to be abandoned. The French founded a series of trading posts along the Canadian coast, but these too usually succumbed to disease, natives or English pirates. In 1608 Samuel de Champlain founded Quebec. Twenty years later the settlement still had a population of less than a hundred, all men.
As in Siberia the prime rationale for colonising Canada was fur, and to obtain that fur the French needed traders rather than settlers. By 1660 the French had 3,500 colonists in Canada (including the fishing settlements of Acadia) compared with 58,000 English colonists on the mainland. Like their Cossack counterparts, the French travelled enormous distances into the unexplored. In 1682 La Salle travelled right down the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico.
The prospect of encircling the English colonies, which had just spread south to Carolina, appealed to Louis XIV and La Salle was sent back to the Gulf to plant a colony at the Mississippi’s mouth. Incredibly he couldn’t find the river again and was murdered by his own men, who were themselves then wiped out by Karankawa natives. His successors did found a number of small settlements in what they called Louisiana (a region much larger than the modern state of the same name), but they never had the numbers of the English. In the eighteenth century France encouraged more colonial settlement, both willing (hard-working German Catholics were particularly important) and unwilling (criminals transported from France and slaves transported from west Africa). Like Carolina, Louisiana soon had a slave majority. At the same time settlers started to farm along the St Lawrence, although always in smaller numbers than in the English colonies to the south. In the vast hinterland the French imperial interests continued to be represented by traders and occasional military garrisons – one on the site of the old native metropolis of Cahokia. In the middle of the century the largest French town in the interior, Detroit, had a population of just 600. In practice the French ‘encirclement’ of the British colonies advocated by the authorities in Paris and feared by some in London was more apparent than real.
By the end of the seventeenth century the east coast of North America was speckled with very different colonies. In part these differences reflected different national characteristics; the Spanish, for example, were the only imperialists for whom religious conversion of the natives assumed any importance. More important were the different physical conditions the colonists encountered. Although most English colonies followed a policy of ethnic cleansing, in Canada the Hudson’s Bay Company wanted furs not farms and followed a native policy more like the Russians in Siberia: exploitation not extinction. By contrast French plantation owners in Louisiana, unlike the French further north, soon developed an explicit policy of genocide to clear the land they seized, committing Mystic-type massacres and glorying in the natives’ extinction. As one French priest said of the native population, ‘God wishes that they yield their place to new people.’
Although the various colonies were growing, some of them very rapidly, there was plenty of space for them to grow into once the native populations had been cleared. They did not need to fight each other, and at the start of the eighteenth century there was no indication that a single, dramatically different, power would have effective control of most of the continent by the turn of the next century.
The form of government that in Russia would last right up until the twentieth century emerged out of the turbulent period under Ivan the Terrible, the Time of Troubles. The type of government that has persisted in America was formed after a similar period of turmoil. The eighteenth century in North America was marked by almost continuous conflict between immigrants and natives, but – much more important historically – it was also caught up in similarly continuous conflict between the European powers.
In Europe the War of Spanish Succession (1701–14) was followed by a host of other conflicts across the continent: the War of Polish Succession (1733–38), the War of the Austrian Succession (1740–48) and so on. Not all of them spilled over into the colonies of the New World, but most of them did.
The War of Spanish Succession pitted France, Spain and Bavaria against Austria, Holland, England and various German princes in a dispute about whether the king of Spain should be French or Austrian. English colonists in North America were off the mark quickly with an unsuccessful attack on the Spanish in Florida. The French, with their Indian allies, retaliated with attacks on New England
, and in 1708 captured St John’s, Newfoundland. The English launched counterattacks on Canada, with support from the Royal Navy, but failed to capture anything more significant than Port Royal in Acadia. North America was a militarily irrelevant sideshow, and all the famous battles (like Blenheim and Ramillies) were fought in Europe. In order to maintain its national borders and keep control of the Spanish throne, France gave up Acadia under the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713. The English (or more correctly since the 1707 Act of Union the British) rechristened their new colony Nova Scotia. Despite its potentially strategic position, few American colonists wanted to live there, and after the next war 2,500 immigrants were shipped out from Britain to found the city of Halifax as a counterweight to the French in Quebec and Montréal. In the meantime the French moved to strengthen their position on the continent by building an enormous fortress on Cape Breton Island. Known as the Gibraltar of America, the fortress of Louisburg had walls 40 feet thick, an 80 foot wide moat, the latest artillery and a garrison of 1600 soldiers.
Despite the formal peace French privateers used Louisburg as a base to attack British shipping. Further south British and British-American smugglers continued to flout Spanish colonial regulations. In 1739 Britain and Spain were at war again in the War of Jenkins’ Ear. British attacks on Florida and Spanish attacks on Georgia and South Carolina all failed, and in 1744 France intervened. By now the conflict was called the War of Austrian Succession. Again, the French and their native allies attacked all along the frontiers of New England and Nova Scotia. In response a massive colonial force was put together under the command of a wealthy Maine merchant, William Pepperell, with troops from the New England colonies, ships from the West Indies, artillery from New York and provisions from Pennsylvania. Supported by the Royal Navy, Louisburg was taken after a forty-seven day siege in June 1745. The significance of the Louisburg victory lay not in the capture of territory but in what it said about the stage of development reached by Britain’s American colonies. The colonial oligarchs had put together an army many thousand strong and defeated a major European power. Admittedly the arrival of a British fleet had proved decisive in cutting off the French garrison but the victory belonged to the colonial army. It was a forewarning of events just thirty-six years later at Yorktown, when another colonial army repeated the same feat but with Britain and France playing on opposite sides.
Louisburg was a startling victory for the colonists, but it went almost unnoticed back in London; all eyes there were looking north. Within days of the news that Louisburg had fallen there began what might have been called the War of British Succession. The Jacobite leader Bonnie Prince Charlie, with French support, landed in Scotland and marched south to reclaim the throne from its German occupant, the Hanoverian George II. He reached Derby and, with a French army preparing to invade as well, the citizens of London were in a state of almost total panic. They had no interest in events across the Atlantic. The Jacobite advance was only stopped when a Hanoverian double agent persuaded the Jacobite leaders that a non-existent army was blocking their way to the capital. The Bonnie Prince turned round and marched back north. The twenty-four-year-old Duke of Cumberland, son of George II, who had been summoned back from his role as commander-in-chief of the allied forces in the War of Austrian Succession, took command of his father’s troops and chased after the retreating Jacobites. He caught up with them on the killing fields of Culloden (often wrongly characterised as an English massacre of Scots; in reality Cumberland’s army included many Lowland Scots and even some Highlanders). After the battle Cumberland embarked on a sadistic reign of terror across the Gaelic-speaking Highlands, which destroyed a vibrant culture and prompted yet another stream of emigrants to the New World.
Two years later, in the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, Britain gave Louisburg back to France in exchange for the much more attractive prize of Madras in India.
The American colonists were well aware of their low priority in the eyes of the government in London. A congress was held in Albany in 1754 to discuss ways of resisting French attempts to block the expansion of the British colonies. This congress was attended by representatives of New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland and the New England colonies and by representatives of the Six Nations of the Iroquois (who according to Benjamin Franklin often displayed greater diplomatic skills than the colonists).
A few months later a Virginian force under George Washington set out to take a French post on the site of today’s Pittsburgh. Washington made his fortune by speculating in frontier land and was determined that the Ohio territory should belong to Britain not France. He surprised a French detachment, killing some and capturing others, including the commander – who was quickly murdered in controversial circumstances:it is claimed that while Washington was talking to him one of the Virginian’s native allies unexpectedly sunk his tomahawk into the captive’s skull. Washington was himself soon defeated and captured, but was released. He returned with a larger force of British soldiers, only to be defeated, spectacularly, again.
War between France and Britain was formally declared again in 1755, with the start of the Seven Year War. British forces caused havoc in Nova Scotia; Louisburg fell again in 1758 and this time British troops razed it to the ground. Thousands of French settlers in the colony they knew as Arcadia fled south, first to New Orleans, established earlier in the century, and then into the bayous of Louisiana, where ‘Arcadian’ would be contracted to ‘Cajun’. After some initial French successes the British eventually took Quebec and Montréal and a string of French colonies in the Caribbean. In 1762 Spain intervened in support of France, but British forces soon grabbed the key Spanish strongholds of Havana and Manila – so that in negotiating an end to the conflict with the Treaty of Paris in 1763 neither France nor Spain had much bargaining power. France was the biggest loser, giving up all claims to territory in North America. Spain and England swapped cards: Spain gave up Florida, but took over New Orleans and parts of Louisiana from the French. Spain also retained Cuba, provoking outrage among American colonists who had provided around one in four of the troops that had captured Havana. Britain now controlled the whole of the continent east of the Mississippi. The new king, George III, must have surveyed his empire in North America with satisfaction; only two threats were faintly visible – the Spanish west of the Mississippi and the natives.
Prelude to Revolution
The natives by now came in two varieties: red and white. As is well known the early European navigators sailing west thought they had found the Indies and naturally labelled the natives ‘Indians’, but less well known is that the term ‘Red Indian’ had nothing to do with supposed red skins. Many native tribes covered themselves with red ochre at certain times of the year as an insect repellent. The original inhabitants of Newfoundland, the Beothuk, for religious reasons, stained themselves and their clothes with ochre all year round and were called the Red People by neighbouring tribes. The Viking sagas spoke of natives wearing red clothing, and to the first modern Europeans arriving in Newfoundland the Beothuk were ‘Red Indians’. The term survived but the Beothuk did not: the last survivor surrendered to the British in the eighteenth century and died in slavery.
The campaigns of the ‘white’ natives against the ‘red’ natives continued alongside the wars between the colonial powers. To avoid losses to themselves colonists became adept at using one tribe to suppress another: in 1715 Cherokees were used by English colonists to put down a Yamasee revolt in South Carolina, and in 1729 the French used Choctaws to put down a revolt by the Natchez. The colonists’ native allies usually learnt too late that loyalty was not a white man’s trait. After the ethnic cleansing of the Yamasee the Carolina colonists put a bounty on all ‘Indian’ scalps, and a revolt by the Cherokee in 1759 was brutally suppressed by British troops.
The Dutch, soon followed by the English, introduced the practice of offering a reward for scalps delivered to the authorities. The practice was highly popular: in Massachusetts the bounty paid for native scalps rose
from £12 in 1703 to £100 by 1723. Prices varied according to ‘quality’. The British authorities offered their native allies just £8 for the scalp of a French soldier but £200 for the scalp of the Delaware general Shinngass. The French themselves paid bounty-hunters for scalps when exterminating peaceful natives in Newfoundland.
It is hard to think of a more blatant manifestation of genocide or ethnic cleansing than putting a bounty on the scalps of men, women and children of another ethnic group, and yet the sheer brutality of early colonisation has been largely erased from popular history. One particular episode shows how distorted folk memories can persist into the electronic age, deadening people to the truth about their own history. Most ethnic groups in America have their own websites and the ‘Scotch Irish’ are no exception. The Scotch Irish were one of the most vociferous groups pressing for ethnic cleansing on the borders of Pennsylvania in the middle of the eighteenth century. In and around the village of Paxtang (or Paxton) in particular there were large numbers of men anxious to apply to the natives the treatment their own Scottish ancestors had applied to the Catholic Irish. They were known as the Paxton Boys, and one version of their story is recounted on www.scotchirish.net. Scotch Irish settlers on the Pennsylvania frontier needed protection against native attack, but the ‘pacifist and self-righteous’ Quaker authorities in Philadelphia refused to help. The Paxton Boys then led 1,500 settlers in a march on Philadelphia where they presented their ‘just complaints’. According to the website, ‘This single action is credited as being the first act in the American War of Independence’, and the Paxton Boys went on to play their full part in the American Revolution. The website does not mention the events that preceded the march on Philadelphia. There had been a native uprising, known as Pontiac’s rebellion, in which numerous frontier settlers had been killed. British troops suppressed the rebellion, but the Paxton Boys used the events as an excuse to demand the eradication of all natives. In December 1763 they attacked a village of the Conestoga natives who had lived peacefully alongside their white neighbours throughout the rebellion. Six natives were killed and fourteen captured; within days all fourteen prisoners had been brutally murdered.
Empires Apart Page 16
