by Benn, Tony
Sunday 14 June
At this moment I think we are going to win quite comfortably, though there are some anxieties in that the Tories are being extremely effective in their approach to women – their party political to women was a great success. They are hammering and hammering the economic theme and this is beginning to break the credibility of the Government’s claim to have solved the economic problems.
Tonight England was finally knocked out of the World Cup which, no doubt, will have another subtle effect on the public.
Monday 15 June
The poor trade figures were hit by Heath and he made a really big issue of them, saying there was an economic crisis and that we had misled the public, that the situation was much more serious than we had admitted and that was why we had called the Election when we had. This was the first real breakthrough by Heath. He has concentrated in effect simply on two things – prices and the economic situation – and although he has been bitterly attacked by the press for his failure and scorned by Harold Wilson and the rest of us, he has stuck, in exactly the way that Home stuck in 1964, to his two themes. In 1964, Home was saying, ‘Keep the deterrent’ and ‘Don’t let labour ruin the economy’. Now Heath is saying, ‘The economy is in a terrible state and only we can put it right’ and ‘We will tackle prices. The housewife should vote for herself’. These twin themes are the ones that are beginning to get through.
Anyway I did loudspeaker work in the evening in the pouring rain advertising meetings. I rang Harold up in Liverpool and said I thought the latest economic scare on the trade figures, and the fact that Heath had now talked openly about another devaluation, really was worth answering, but Harold was relaxed and said Roy was going to make a statement about it and there was nothing to worry about. He sounded as if he was just composing himself for another Election triumph. Having made my point, I left it.
Wednesday 17 June
My assessment is that we should win by a large majority, certainly with a working majority, and although I have some uneasiness, it is rather less than in previous Elections.
Thursday 18 June
Polling day. Caroline and I went round the polling stations. It is part of a ritual but it has to be done and it is very tiring. A journalist on Time magazine from New York looked in to see me for a short talk and wanted to know what our plans were for the future. I talked very confidently. This was for the Time cover story, I think. After we had completed the polling stations and committee rooms and loudspeaker work, we were pretty sure of victory by twenty or thirty.
Went back to the Grand Hotel, had a bath, tea and sandwiches and settled down to watch television before we had to go off to my own count. The first thing that came over the television that was slightly worrying was the result of a poll done by the BBC at Gravesend, in which they had interviewed people as they left the polling station. So this was the first poll, not of voting intentions, but of how people actually voted, and it showed a Conservative majority.
At 11.15 we got the first result and it showed an enormous swing to the Tories and, all of a sudden, there and then, we realised we had lost the Election. There was no question about it. There are regional variations and of course these came out But the result in this first constituency was so overwhelmingly Tory that it was quite clear that we were out and the Tories were in, possibly with a tremendous majority.
In a fraction of a second, one went from a pretty confident belief in victory to absolute certainty of defeat It was quite a remarkable experience. By midnight it was clear that they had won and we left in the most appalling fog to find Carlton Park School, where my count was being held.
At 2.30 in the morning my result was declared. My majority had been halved. I was able to keep abreast of what was happening elsewhere by listening to the results as they came out on my transistor radio.
Harold was not conceding the result but biding his time and I spared a thought for the poor man believing himself due to continue as Prime Minister and discovering he had been defeated. After the declaration I made a short speech and had a short interview with Jonathan Dimbleby, who tried to blame the Election result on my speech against Enoch Powell. At the Walter Baker Hall the Party workers were absolutely desolate. I told them not to worry – that we had been defeated but not routed.
I decided I would go straight back to London and clear right out of the office.
6
1970–74
Friday 19 June 1970
WE LEFT BRISTOL at 5 am with all our junk packed up: I began dozing off a third of the way home so Caroline took over the wheel. We got home at about 7.30, I unpacked the car and drove straight to the office. I just cleared everything out of my room, putting some personal things in my bag to take with me and leaving the rest in the waiting room next door, so that by 8.35 there was no sign that anybody had worked in my office. I thought this was the right thing to do and I couldn’t have coped with any of my officials when I had been drained of authority in this way. It was a very emotional experience, a sort of bereavement. It wasn’t that I particularly wanted to be a Minister, although the salary is useful, the car is nice and the authority is pleasant: it was this sense of being suddenly and absolutely cut off from work.
I went round and said goodbye to everyone and I must say I almost broke down. Jack, one of my messengers, said, ‘I have never shaken the hand of a better man,’ and that was really more than I could bear. I walked out and left the Millbank Tower never to return. Then straight to the House of Commons and I completely cleared my room there as well. On to Transport House and thanked all the people who had helped. They, too, were very upset and emotional.
When I got home I was told that a meeting of the Inner Cabinet had been called for 4 o’clock. I thought it was a bit much of Harold to have a meeting at Number 10 when we were so obviously defeated. But the Queen was at Ascot or somewhere and was coming back at 6, so Harold planned to resign then. I went in by the Cabinet Office door and we had a brief discussion about the arrangements. Harold said he was going to resign and thanked people. I said we were an ungenerous lot and nobody ever did say thank you in politics and I would like to say what a privilege it was to have served with him in his administration – which was a bit pompous but somebody had to say it. We agreed that we would have to think about the Parliamentary Labour Party and how we organised the Opposition, and that there should be no recriminations or personal attacks – all of which was kind of obvious. There was a shellshocked feeling to the meeting.
At the end I got my camera out and as Harold left it for the last time, I shot the only movie picture ever taken in the Cabinet Room. To Transport House again, where Harold appeared, having just been to the Palace to resign. We stood outside and cheered him – all except for Tom Driberg. He said, ‘That man misled us all and picked the wrong date. Why should I cheer for him?’ A very sour comment.
Meanwhile Heath had been leaving the Albany and going to Buckingham Palace to become Prime Minister – very exciting – and was seen entering Number 10. At the same time Harold’s stuff was going out of the back door and into a furniture van. This was the beginning of Opposition. The thought that the Tories had won was very depressing; not just the thought of Tory Ministers in office but that their whole philosophy had conquered and that this would strengthen all the reactionary forces in society. I shall work very hard in Opposition and concentrate entirely on my political work.
Saturday 20 June
Heath’s Cabinet was announced. Geoffrey Rippon has gone to the Ministry of Technology: he is a very right-wing figure, a member of the Monday Club, and a former Minister of Public Building and Works. I must say that depressed me a bit. I wrote to him but then I tore up the letter because it isn’t normally done to write to one’s successor.
For the first time in six years, I don’t have a series of red boxes; I must admit that it is rather pleasant to be free.
Monday 22 June
I got up at 4.40 to get Stephen off to Keele University.
/> Lucille was very tearful at the result of the Election. When I dictated my goodbye letters, she wept over the typewriter and I must say I was sad myself. People came and collected the various keys that had to be returned to the office.
In the afternoon I went to Buckingham Palace for the audience with the Queen and I drove in my own car unlike some ex-Ministers who were still using their official cars, which I thought was slightly odd since we were clearly out. The courtiers could scarcely conceal their delight – Sir Michael Adeane, the equerries, the ladies-in-waiting – and were obviously thrilled at what had happened and were being polite to the ‘little Labour men’.
I said to the Queen I had enjoyed office and she said, ‘You will be seeing more of your family.’ I talked about the stamps and thanked her for her help with them. Then she mentioned Concorde, so I said, ‘Well, there are a lot of problems and I sometimes wonder whether it shouldn’t just be kept to fly up The Mall on the royal birthday.’ She laughed at that, and thanked me very much, as if I had somehow done it all for her. It was very courteous of her but I am sure that the idea that the Queen’s Ministers are simply advisers, and that she is really the Government, in a position to thank them before they go, is deeply entrenched at the Palace.
Thursday 25 June
We had the last office Pink Shirt Club party at Holland Park Avenue. I bought blue and white striped tea mugs for everybody and put a pink handkerchief, pink tie, or a pink rose in each of them. They gave me a pink tie with the Mintech symbol on it. We had a lovely evening with all the old gang, and Kate Chaplin, Monty and Derek Moon from the Press Office were also there. We sat in the garden and played records. They left me a record of the theme song from Dr Zhivago which I had whistled up and down the Millbank corridors for years. This was effectively the end of my links with the Private Office after some very happy years.
Saturday 27 June
Slogged away, wrote sixty or seventy cards by hand. After just over a week I find myself slowly adjusting to the fact that nobody really wants to know you when you are an ex-Minister. It must be absolute hell if you retire or are fired and you are out while all your colleagues are still in. The truth is that it is almost rather comforting that everyone else is out as well.
Monday 29 June
Todayjeremy Thorpe’s wife Caroline was tragically killed in a motor crash.
Thursday 2 July
Today was the Debate on the Address with Heath and Wilson speaking. Harold is incredible, just like an India-rubber man, bouncing up again after his defeat, completely unphased by the fact that he lost, and with the Party just sort of accepting him again. I wouldn’t have the strength to accept a defeat of that kind. I think I would be very bad at coming to terms with it.
Wednesday 8 July
We went to the Home Policy Committee meeting of the Executive, where Jim Callaghan got himself dug in as Chairman: he is building his power base absolutely everywhere at the moment. Once in the chair he was very reasonable, asking everybody to comment and complimenting us all on what we said. Jim is a skilful politician, there is no question about it; very skilful.
Thursday 10 September
In the evening I went and had dinner with Peter and Liz Shore and Tommy Balogh, and his new wife-to-be Katherine Storr, who is a distinguished surgeon. Tommy Balogh is leaving his current wife, Pen, to marry her. It is really rather sad. I liked Pen Balogh very much indeed. Katherine Storr is about the same age and looked rather similar.
Caroline loyally went to hear Stan Newens, who lost his seat at Epping, speaking to the North Kensington Labour Party. She is about to be made Chairman of the Holland Park School governors.
Thursday 15 October
Six years ago today, the Labour Government won the 1964 Election.
This afternoon Heath announced the abolition of the Ministry of Technology. It is being merged with the Department of Trade and Industry, with Aviation Supply going off separately.
Tuesday 3 November
Worked at the Commons. I circulated my draft letter to my constituents on the Common Market referendum idea to Harold, Roy, Jim, Denis, Harold Lever, Gwyn Morgan and Tom McNally. Shirley Williams drove me home and I talked to her about it. I am hoping to get the support of one or two people who are in favour of entry because it would greatly stengthen my case.
Thursday 5 November
Harold Wilson came up to me and said, ‘I understand you are suggesting a referendum on the Common Market. You can’t do that.’ I said, ‘Well, I sent you the draft letter, Harold. Have you seen it yet?’ He said, ‘No. You had better bring it to the Shadow Cabinet.’
I discovered that it had not been drawn to his attention because he was too busy. I don’t blame him for that but this is the moment when I am going to strike out on my own.
Sunday 8 November
This afternoon Mick Farren, a woman called Ingrid and a man called John Hopkins came for a talk. Mick is the author of the article ‘Rock – Energy for Revolution’ in the Melody Maker. What I didn’t know was that last night these people, who are part of the YIPPIES (the Youth International Party) had been on the David Frost programme and had broken it up.
In the evening we watched Jean-Paul Sartre’s ‘Roads to Freedom’ on television – a series that has been gripping us all autumn.
Wednesday 11 November
My letter to my constituents, ‘Britain and the Common Market – The Case for a Referendum’, was to come before the Shadow Cabinet today. But as Harold was in Paris for de Gaulle’s funeral it was just noted and there was no comment. The only person who understood its real significance was Jim Callaghan, who said, ‘Tony may be launching a little rubber liferaft which we will all be glad of in a year’s time.’ That is one way of looking at it. I am in favour of a referendum on constitutional grounds but even if there isn’t going to be much support for those grounds clearly this is one way in which the Labour Party can avoid dividing itself into bits. So that is just about the best result I could have got from the Shadow Cabinet.
Saturday 5 December
I had a talk to Harold, who told me that had we won the Election he would only have continued as Prime Minister for three years. I have often suspected this but he has never said it specifically before. It is an interesting piece of information, because if we win the next Election he wouldn’t continue the full term as Prime Minister as he is determined that he will never be defeated again. That means that the next Leader of the Labour Party will be elected within the next few years – that’s my view. If I am going to make any sort of bid for the leadership at any stage, I shall have to begin preparing for it soon.
Monday 7 December
There was a power cut at 7.45 this morning because of the go-slow or work-to-rule by the power workers in pursuit of their claim. It lasted for two hours. Went to talk to Harold about the possibility of getting some proper meetings of Party officers every now and again to consider the running of the Party, giving the Party a higher sense of direction, which it entirely lacks. Harry Nicholas is useless and doesn’t see Harold often and the Executive is too big to do anything. The officers don’t meet, and the Shadow Cabinet is just concerned with parliamentary tactics. And Harold is desperately busy writing his memoirs, or what he insists on calling his record of his administration.
We also discussed the question of the Common Market.
He doesn’t understand that if he does come out against the Common Market it will absolutely wreck his credibility: the Tories will simply put up posters showing what he said about industrial relations when Prime Minister and then what he said when in Opposition under trade union pressure; what he said about the Common Market when Prime Minister and then when in Opposition, again under trade union pressure. And they will put on the bottom of the poster, ‘Can you ever trust him again?’ It is going to be much more difficult than he thinks.
Wednesday 16 December
Executive this morning and we came to my resolution advocating a special conference to be held before t
he Parliamentary Party had voted on the Common Market question. I moved this briefly. Denis said there wouldn’t be time to organise a special conference and in any case we couldn’t get a hall. Fred Mulley said that if the Tories hurried the legislation, the Labour Party in the House would simply abstain, as if somehow on the greatest issue of the century for Britain, Labour MPs could abstain on the grounds that they hadn’t had time to consider it. Roy said something, and then I blew my top. I said this was a grave matter and I was not prepared to explain to my grandchildren that we hadn’t voted on the question of British entry into the Common Market because we couldn’t get a hall; I was not prepared to abstain and that those who were in favour of entry into Europe had better begin making the case for it instead of hoping to slip it through, which is what they are trying to do.
I carried my resolution on a special conference overwhelmingly, about 14 to 1, I think. Afterwards Roy, with his nostrils distended with rage, said to me, ‘There are some of us who will never vote against entry into Europe.’ I said, ‘I am never going to urge you to do so. If there is a referendum you can vote for it then, but up till then we will argue that it should be put to the public.’ Then Denis said, ‘Your “support” for Europe is much distrusted. Why don’t you make some speeches in favour?’ Well, he doesn’t make any speeches in favour. So my relations with those two are very poor at the moment. But this is a huge issue and it has got to be dealt with seriously.
Wednesday 13 January 1971
I invited Roy back home for a while. I explained the strategy for a referendum, which he was opposed to. But I think he is anxious to maintain some links with me. I asked him how he saw the future because, I said, I could see a possibility of the Labour Party actually splitting on this, resulting in a broad centre party which was European, flanked by a Powellite right and a Michael Foot–Tribune left. He said, ‘I hope it doesn’t come to that,’ but he didn’t rule it out. It was the first time he had been in our house for six or seven years or maybe longer.
