by Benn, Tony
In outlining Strategy B, I warned that this strategy might strain international relations possibly including retaliatory measures, strengthen middle-class opposition and impose some stress on relations between the Labour Movement and the Government. Finally, if the Government continued on its present course, there might be severe confrontation which would merely deepen the existing social divisions. When I had finished, might feel it is his public duty to polish me off. I will just have to take reasonable precautions.
Sunday 2 March
I had a telephone call from Allister Mackie of the Scottish Daily News. He told me that just before Bob Maxwell went to Moscow two days ago, he made a bid for the whole of the paper, insisting that in return for his £100,000 investment, he should be made Chairman and Chief Executive and the whole co-operative structure should be wound up, leaving him in charge. Allister said it was a terrible bombshell.
I said, ‘Look, there are two points. First of all, remember that if Maxwell wants to take it over, it is the first real independent proof of viability because he wouldn’t want to take over a dead duck. Secondly, call his bluff, don’t change the prospectus because if you bring it back to Ministers, they will kill it. So issue the prospectus as far as you can, as it is.’
He said he had a telephone call through to Maxwell in Moscow. An hour later he called me back saying he had made it clear to Maxwell that they were not prepared to accept his conditions and Maxwell had backed down, so it looks as if they are safe. I was delighted.
Tuesday 4 March
Frances Morrell had rewritten the text of a talk I am giving to American press correspondents, leaving out all the good bits. So I lost my temper and stamped and shouted. She said, ‘Well, we have got to be careful.’ I said, ‘Yes, but this won’t help.’ I cooled down and apologised. It is becoming clear that I can’t make the speech I wanted to at all.
Wednesday 12 March
To the House of Commons, where Harold made his statement on the Dublin summit of the heads of the EEC governments to finalise British terms. It was really rather sad to see the Tories waving their order papers and Labour people silent, except for the pro-Market group. It is all over bar the shouting. Shirley Williams reiterated on the radio today that she would resign from the Government if the country voted to leave the Common Market. So, in fact, she has now established freedom to dissent.
Tuesday 18 March
A momentous day in the history of Britain.
At Cabinet we had before us the papers detailing the renegotiation package, and for the first time the issue of sovereignty was discussed properly. The crucial question was whether the Community was to be a supranational structure or a community of sovereign states.
Harold brought us on to the main question. Should we accept the terms or not? ‘I recommend that we should stay in and that is the view of the Denis came back, saying that we mustn’t panic; that the situation wasn’t anything like as bad as was suggested; and that we must switch to exports and investment. He was against import controls, because it would mean that we were failing to expose British industry to foreign competition.
I came away exhausted. It is getting awful tough now.
Thursday 27 February
This morning Jack Jones came to see me at my request. I told him everything was all right with Meriden, and then I asked him if he would like to serve on the NEB. ‘No,’ he said. ‘I am a General Secretary of a major union and I can’t do that too.’
‘Could you be pressed?’
He said, ‘No.’
Then at 4.15 I went over to the Department for what I thought was a final round of talks with the Meriden people. I reported what had happened and said, ‘We have cleared the sum for export with the Cabinet. Now I am hoping we can make progress. Are there any problems?’
So Poore said, ‘There is a little problem. You want an annual review of the figure and I must have a guarantee for five years.’
I said, ‘Look, the Cabinet wants this to come off. It must come off. We have got to find a way.’ I banged the table and I was a bit rude.
He then added at the end, ‘And I want an inflation guarantee.’
‘Come off it,’ I said. ‘Well, that’s it, you’ll have to dose your factories. Every time anything is agreed, you want something else.’ He left the room at this point.
It is this kind of thing that makes me a socialist. If you take the Meriden situation, why should I have to deal with one man about the jobs of 2,000? Caroline put that to me and she is absolutely right. It is an extremely primitive way of dealing with industry.
Friday 28 February
I went off to record an interview in a video studio near Moorgate. I arrived there just as ambulances and fire engines were pouring by, within a few minutes of a crash at Moorgate tube station in which between fifteen and twenty people were killed, an appalling tragedy.
Saturday 1 March
Today I got a letter, posted in London, written in purple felt pen to Mr Wedgewood (spelt wrongly) Benn, House of Commons. It read, ‘You rotten traitor. Thank God you have only 7 more weeks.’ I don’t take much notice of death threats, I think because nobody has been murdered in the Palace of Westminster since Spencer Perceval, in 1806. But you never know, with George Brown’s attack on me as an enemy of democracy, a good citizen Foreign Secretary, though he will speak for himself. We have substantially achieved our objectives, the Community has changed defacto and de jure. The attitude of the Commonwealth has changed too. The Commonwealth wants us to stay in, and the Commonwealth trade patterns have regrettably changed. If we had a free trade area for the UK, the conditions upon us would be stiff or stiffer. I am only persuaded 51 per cent to 49 per cent, indeed I had anxieties right up to the last few days, but I now recommend that we stay in.’
Jim Callaghan followed, ‘In supporting you, Harold, I would like to say something about the development of Europe. I am unashamedly an Atlanticist, but we are living in a regional world and we must use the regional organisations. The Soviet Union does not find our membership of the EEC a hindrance to détente. Indeed, I believe that secretly they might like us in, to control the Germans. The seventy-seven non-aligned countries which are now banded together at the United Nations have the potential to destroy the UN and we are better able to withstand them in a regional group. As to the prospects for democractic socialism in the Community, four of the countries are Labour, or have Labour representation in the Government: Holland, Denmark, Germany and the Republic of Ireland, and now Britain. The market economy as an idea is quite flyblown, and the withdrawal of Britain would strain our relations with Ireland.
He quoted Benjamin Franklin:’ “When I first looked at the terms for this Constitution I was not persuaded of it. As wisdom came, I came to see that I was wrong.”’
In the end, it was sixteen to seven for staying in. Harold then said, ‘I hope that nobody will think the result has anything to do with the way I composed the Cabinet because when I formed it a year ago, there were eight for Europe, ten against and five wobblies. Now, of those who have expressed their view, who intends to take advantage of the agreement to differ?’
Six of us said Yes – myself, Barbara, Michael, Willie, Peter and Eric.
Thus it was that the Cabinet reached its view to stay in the Common Market.
We finished and at 1.30 I walked through Downing Street, back to the office. After that, I just needed to unwind.
Thursday 20 March
Cabinet at 10.30 – and it turned out to be most acrimonious and dramatic. Peter had told me that there had been a tremendous scene last night and when we got into Cabinet, Harold began to speak.
‘I’ve pulled you in without officials because a very dangerous situation has developed. When I gave permission for an agreement to differ, I assumed that the anti-Market people would appoint a spokesman to speak for them. Instead I find that there has been a press conference; a statement by dissenting Ministers, an Early Day Motion, and an NEC resolution in circulation asking the sp
ecial conference to fight against a government decision. I know one or two pro-Market MPs may be campaigning but this is an attempt to bounce the NEC and it’s dangerous.
‘I cannot lead a Cabinet when its members mobilise outside agencies including the NEC. It is impossible for me to keep the Cabinet together on this basis. One Minister offered to resign last night, but I don’t want to lead a rump. It has been a field day for the Tories and I have got to face Parliamentary Questions today. We must face it, it could be 1931 all over again. If we get disorganised, there are members of the Party who would put the Common Market before the Party. What I’m afraid of from this polarisation is a pro-Market coalition, a Tory-dominated coalition with perhaps a titular Labour leader – and it would have much worse relations with the trade union movement than even Heath. Indeed, I doubt if democracy could survive, and I’m not going to play it this way. The Cabinet should discuss it and find a solution by 12.30 today.’
Shirley Williams said, ‘I will never join a coalition. I had hoped that the Party would show the same charity towards dissenters as the Cabinet.’
Michael Foot, who had spoken to Harold about this last night, thought the problem was not insoluble but we couldn’t have a cut-and-dried solution by 12.30. He said to Harold, ‘It’s no good saying you can’t tolerate members of the Cabinet heading a campaign against the Market We are entitled to head a campaign. We’re not prepared to engage in a charade. We are going to make our view effective like you. It is the only dignified basis on which to proceed.’
‘The most intolerable thing was the Early Day Motion, and the National Executive resolution,’ Tony Crosland chipped in.
Denis tried to lower the temperature of the debate. ‘The solidarity of the Cabinet is what matters and the Party must be as tolerant The bulk of the activists don’t even think the Common Market is important. Ministers on the NEC must not establish a collective decision, it would be damaging, it would go to the Party Conference, and therefore I want to ask those Ministers concerned to withhold their support for anti-Market campaigns. It would split us deeply, worse than it did when we were in opposition.’
Willie Ross added, ‘We are all collectively responsible for the well-being of the Labour Movement. I opposed the Referendum but the Leader is now being tied. We have no one else to rely on but Harold Wilson. We must limit the damage and drop the campaign against the Leader because the logic of it is only too clear. Ministers ought to be a bit busier in their own offices.’
Barbara said, ‘The accusation then is about the press conference and that it is intolerable to campaign against the Cabinet.’
‘I never said that,’ Harold interrupted. ‘I shall apply for legal aid if this sort of thing is said.’
‘Well,’ said Barbara, ‘if it had gone the other way, I’m sure the pro-Marketeers would have campaigned for the Market I have followed the guidelines, I refused to debate with Shirley Williams on television. But you’re also saying we shouldn’t embroil the Party. That’s naïve, and the guidelines didn’t cover the Party anyway.’
‘I sent instructions, not guidelines, to Ministers when they were appointed last year, that they were always Ministers first.’
During coffee break, Harold slipped away up to his study. We met again at noon, without Harold, and with Ted in the chair.
Bob Mellish began by saying, ‘We have underestimated the strength of the anti-Market vote. There are about 160 pro- and about 140 anti-Market MPs, and a split would damage the Movement. The London CLPs are broadly anti-Market but they don’t really care. We could make the Prime Minister look a laughing stock. I plead with the Ministers on the NEC not to use their power. And as for Harold, I hope he will not overreact because this is a test of his leadership.’
Crosland thought we’d got off to a bad start. ‘The people in Grimsby don’t worry and I shall persuade them not to take a view.’
Roy Jenkins said this situation was endemic in a referendum, which is why he was against it, but he didn’t want to make too much of that. He didn’t think the press conference or the Early Day Motion were important, but freedom for campaigning must be absolute. Ministers on the NEC had not considered these matters. The Leader’s position would be impossible and we must have symmetry all round.
Roy Mason argued that the PLP was bitter because of the acts of a minority. It was all planned before Tuesday – the Motion, the blackmailing of MPs to sign, and the NEC round robin. As for television, Michael, Peter and Tony Benn had all been on, and it was a devious and clever conspiracy.
‘We’re on the brink,’ said Elwyn, ‘the Prime Minister’s near to resignation. It could be a disaster for social democracy if he went. The NEC resolution will tear the Party apart. Other Ministers might resign.’
‘Well, if the Prime Minister resigns, we’d all be out anyway,’ said Jim.
‘Withdraw the motion then,’ said Elwyn.
Michael suggested that the matter be deferred. The talks should go on for the next day or two, maybe Ron should put up a statement to supersede the NEC resolution.
Jim endorsed Michael’s proposal for more time, and Ted said that it looked as if we were going to have to rely on Harold to get us off the hook once again.
It was, without doubt, the most extraordinary Cabinet meeting I have ever attended.
Friday 21 March
To Meriden in the West Midlands. There was no one to meet us at first because they were all so busy, which was good. There are about 170 people working there now, at a flat-rate pay of £50 a week – a dream for them after eighteen months of privation. They have 2,000 applicants to work at what is £20 below the going rate in Coventry. No supervision, and no clocking in. They have elected organisers in each shop and they’ve managed to cut out a lot of the paperwork.
Thursday 27 March
I had a runaround on the Scottish Daily News. I had told my colleagues that the Action Committee were £40,000 short and recommended that the Government put in the difference, but I had had no favourable response at all. I asked Roy Williams to ring the Prime Minister to fix for me to see him this afternoon to discuss the NEB appointments and the Scottish Daily News. Roy set that up but Harold later cancelled the meeting. So I was just about to send a bitter minute around to the Prime Minister and everybody else saying, ‘You have now killed the Scottish Daily News’ when I thought I had better ring Allister Mackie first. I apologised for not succeeding and he said, ‘I never thought you would. Maxwell is going to put up the extra money.’ I literally leapt for joy.
At 3.30 Bob Wright of the AUEW and Jack Service came to discuss Ferranti. They said the Ferranti brothers, or Basil at least, had tried to persuade the unions to agree to just a 25 per cent government holding so that the family interests in the firm could be preserved. In fact, we are going to have to go up to 75 per cent or 85 per cent holding as a result of the need to put in large sums of money and to value the shares correctly.
Sunday 20 April
Willie Whitelaw has made a statement that the Tories would not feel bound by a negative referendum vote and Frances advised me to involve Mrs Thatcher over this. So at 1.30 I rang the Press Association and dictated this letter, embargoed until 5 am.
Dear Mrs Thatcher,
Mr Whitelaw has predicted a constitutional crisis if the British people vote No in the Referendum.
As the Labour Party is pledged to accept the result, this could only happen if the Conservative Party in Parliament used their votes to block the people’s decision.
Will you please – as Leader of the Conservative Party – say whether or not the Conservative Party in Parliament will consider itself bound by a majority vote for British withdrawal from the Common Market?
Everyone is entitled to have a dear – and immediate – answer to this question.
Yours,
Tony Benn
Tuesday 22 April
The papers this morning reported Mrs Thatcher’s reply to my letter, saying that the Tories would not be bound by the Referendum, b
asing herself on what Harold Wilson had said about a referendum not being binding on Parliament.
After Cabinet I sat and talked to Joe Ashton. He told me that Dennis Skinner and others had asked when I was going to make my bid against Harold. Right-wingers were saying that I was so active that it must mean that I was going to challenge Harold.
‘For God’s sake, Joe, damp that down. I’m doing a marvellously interesting job and I’ve got the Referendum on my plate.’
‘Well, don’t forget that if you lose the Referendum and we stay in Europe and have a million unemployed in November, Harold will have some questions to answer.’
I said I knew that.’
Friday 25 April
I learned from Ron Vaughan that Harold Wilson had arranged that in future all former Prime Ministers were to have their own car and chauffeur for life. That’s never happened before and indeed until 1970 even the Leader of the Opposition didn’t have a car and a chauffeur. It was Heath who agreed that for Harold. Of course now Harold has returned the favour, but he has also given a car and driver for life to Home and Macmillan. The drivers in the car pool are saying, ‘The crafty bugger must be preparing to get out, and then he’ll have a car for life.’ That’s the conclusion to be drawn, because when he does go, he’ll never be made Leader of the Opposition again.
Wednesday 30 April
A journalist from the Daily Mail turned up at home and asked Caroline how Joshua was in hospital. She said, ‘Joshua is not in hospital’ – thank God, he was home at the time, so she knew nothing had happened to him at school.
Then the reporters went to the school and asked the same question. They went to Hilary’s house, and even tried to get in touch with Stephen at Keele University. It was hysterical harassment.
Monday 19 May
At 9.45 pm there was a bombshell. It was announced that Monty Finniston had dropped the redundancies and that the BSC and TUC had reached an agreement on other ways of tackling the steel industry’s problems. It was a complete victory and I don’t think I’ve gone to bed happier for a very long time. It was the workers who had done it, not me.
