by Benn, Tony
‘I didn’t expect you would, but we should get some high-powered people to look at it and put some guidelines down. The Solicitor-General supports me on this.’
‘He knows nothing about security.’
‘Nobody does,’ I said; ‘that is the whole point.’
Jim continued, ‘Now, on this freedom-of-information business. There’s a committee looking at it – GEN 29.’
I replied, ‘Yes, I read that in the papers too.’
‘Would you like to be put on the committee?’
I said yes, so I was put on it.
I think Jim was sorry he’d blown up at me on Monday and I told him I understood; we were all under great strain. He admitted to having a very low boiling point.
I had the impression that he wanted to find out what I knew about the security services. I said I wasn’t being paranoid; there was a big civil liberties issue here, and had been for many years. I was an old-fashioned radical liberal and I didn’t believe in all this secrecy. He remarked that if I started inquiries I’d only drive the intelligence service underground. Well, that was rich, given that they were already underground.
Friday 3 November
The Ford workers voted overwhelmingly today against the Ford pay offer. The BBC television coverage deliberately created the impression that motor car workers are dangerous and violent, while the BBC is the voice of rationality. It is disgusting.
Thursday 16 November
Jim Callaghan had some of his grandchildren in the Cabinet Room before Cabinet began and some photographs were taken. I must say the Cabinet gets more and more like the royal family.
John Silkin was congratulated on his recovery after being knocked down by a moped, and John Smith was welcomed as the new Secretary of State for Trade in Edmund Dell’s place.
Tuesday 21 November
The papers are full of the Jeremy Thorpe case. On the face of it, it would appear that he had a homosexual relationship with Scott – though that is no longer a crime – and that there was a plot to incite people to murder Scott. It’s tragic for Jeremy.
I wrote today to the Redgraves, enclosing £20 towards their libel costs against the Observer. I composed the letter with care to make it clear I wasn’t supporting the Workers’ Revolutionary Party, to which they belong.
Wednesday 29 November
Had a meeting with Jim Schlesinger, the US Energy Secretary, who is over here. He was once Secretary of State for Defence and was sacked by Ford because of a disagreement he had with Kissinger, and he has also headed the CIA. He is a tough Republican intellectual, lives an austere life, in line with the Presbyterian faith to which he was converted from Judaism, and is a very dour man. He doesn’t believe in publicity or any of that stuff, and is not gregarious at all. When I took him upstairs to my room, where a huge crowd of people had gathered, he just sat down and stared at everyone. He doesn’t suffer fools gladly.
Anyway, I welcomed him and said I’d been looking forward to his visit. ‘I hope it’s OK if we do our business in this order: your energy policy/our energy policy; the world energy scene; Iran, Mexico; OPEC and oil prices; UN international energy; coal policy; fast-breeder reactors; and anything else you might like to raise.’
‘Fine.’
‘How would you like to start?’
‘Up to you.’
Tea was brought in at that point and he said, ‘Is that your mug? If it were any bigger you wouldn’t be able to lift it!’ I told him I had a two-pint mug at home but I didn’t bring it to the office. It was a sign of friendliness on his part after a slightly tense beginning.
‘Tell us first how your energy policy in America is going,’ I said.
‘Well,’ he replied, ‘politics is like ju-jitsu. We asked for more powers than we got, but we got more than they realised, and we are now going to use them.’ He went on to give a very tough presentation of their policy.
I said, ‘My assessment is that we have to think long-term and that is beyond the range of market forces. I don’t worship market forces, though I am not being completely ideological about it. You’ve got these great big companies and you’ve got to keep an eye on them.’
What followed was a very informed discussion between two experienced people – he with far more power and experience, but it did range over everything and I must say I enjoyed it.
He looked at my Workers’ Union banner and said it was beautiful. I said, ‘You see the religious themes depicted in it – trade unionism grew out of the chapels in this country.’
‘It could have come from the Soviet Union, with those realistic figures,’ he said, to which I replied, ‘Socialist realism is very much the same as capitalist realism.’
‘What do you mean?’
I said, ‘Developing societies with a lot of self-confidence and thrust go for realistic art. It’s only in decaying societies that you get all this decadent stuff like the Impressionists. That’s why Khrushchev and Eisenhower agreed about chocolate-box art.’ He laughed.
I asked him if he knew where the hammer and sickle were to be found in London and he didn’t, so I promised to show him.
We walked out to my car to go to lunch at the Dorchester Hotel; he had no security guards with him, and when I asked he told me that he never allows them.
I got the driver to pass by St James’s Park because Schlesinger is a great birdwatcher. I asked him about the CIA and he said, ‘I was there for five months at a difficult time, right in the middle of Watergate when we had done some terrible things.’ He said the CIA got up to some funny things but at least they tried to maintain some standards and co-operate up to a point with the White House. But Nixon had just expected them to do anything he wanted and that wasn’t on.
‘I am puzzled about Nixon’s departure,’ I said. ‘I never could quite understand it.’
‘Nixon lied to the American people and they wouldn’t have that. If he had said, “Yes, there was some funny business for which I take full responsibility”, his popularity would have risen enormously, but he looked the American people in the eye and he lied to them.’ Schlesinger thought Nixon had behaved stupidly and could otherwise have survived. Also, he thought a Democrat could have got away with it because of their majority in Congress but, as a Republican, Nixon had miscalculated.
As we passed the imposing Victoria Memorial in the middle of Buckingham Palace roundabout, I said, ‘There’s the hammer and sickle.’ There were the two lions, and a man holding a hammer aloft and a girl carrying a sickle. He laughed.
I told him I admired Carter and that he struck me as a sensitive guy. ‘Do you know that Jim Callaghan is very attached to him, and when the dollar was in difficulties I think Jim called in the American Ambassador just to express his support for Carter,’ I said.
‘Yes, the President knew that and was pleased.’
At lunch were Frank Kearton, Derek Ezra, Moss Evans, John Hill, Dick Mabon and others.
After lunch I said to Schlesinger, ‘I am not going to make a big fuss so I am going to ask you just to say a word.’
Schlesinger replied, ‘I have enjoyed today very much but I never thought I would be taken by a British Secretary of State for Energy to see the hammer and sickle outside Buckingham Palace!’
So Dick Mabon turned to Frank Judd sitting beside him. ‘Tony’s done it again!’
‘My God,’ I said to Schlesinger, ‘if you go round telling that story, I’ll be in trouble with the CIA.’
I think he took me literally. ‘Oh, don’t bother about that,’ he said. Everyone laughed and it was fun.
Thursday 30 November
Before Cabinet, Merlyn Rees came up to me and said, ‘By the way, Tony, I want to make the point again that I control all the security services personally. I check and review everybody whose phone is tapped and I assure you it is completely under my control.’
‘Well,’ I replied, ‘Chapman Pincher’s recent book claimed that you weren’t told anything.’
‘That’s absolute rubbish,’
he said.
Thursday 7 December
Cabinet, and on the EMS summit Jim had little to say. Sterling was firm and the final decision of both the Irish and the Italians on the EMS had been deferred. At Brussels Jim had stated our unwillingness to join the exchange-rate mechanism to be set up on 1 January 1979, while being prepared to participate in other aspects of the system.
He then said that a proposal had come up that there should be an informal summit meeting between Schmidt, Giscard, himself and President Carter on the island of Guadeloupe to discuss political and security developments.
‘Where is Guadeloupe?’ asked Peter.
‘It’s a French island in the Caribbean,’ said Jim, obviously pleased that he had been included, because it showed he was still part of the big league. ‘But keep it very quiet because the French don’t want it to get out.’
A few minutes later someone came in and handed Jim a note. He then announced, ‘I can tell you that the New York Times have published the news so we can now refer to it.’
Jim’s psychology is quite extraordinary.
Then we discussed the issue of low-paid workers, and Albert Booth said it was a real problem. ‘I would like a £3 minimum rise, that’s to say nobody who is low-paid should get less than £3 as a result of the 5 per cent. Some of the lowest-paid will get only £2.15 or £2.25 on the present guidelines. The poorest people in the community are no better off now than they were in 1949; indeed, the lowest quarter of all are worse off.’
Michael Foot supported Albert, and Jim said, ‘It’s just a moral issue.’
Denis intervened, ‘Child benefit and other assistance of that kind have helped the low-paid. Employers in the private sector couldn’t afford to pay £3.’
Monday 11 December
I had a report from my Under-Secretary, Robert Priddle, about the oil-tanker drivers’ dispute, for which the Civil Contingencies Unit had produced Operation Drumstick. There are two options: to mobilise troops before Christmas, which would of course be very provocative to the unions; or wait till after Christmas, which might be too late to prevent a serious oil shortage. I decided to go for the slower option and try to get the guidelines slightly fudged – which the Prime Minister would endorse. If an emergency arose, we would then ask the unions themselves to maintain essential services, thus avoiding the use of troops.
Tuesday 12 December
The press attacks go on. The Daily Mail wrote an article implying that when the House of Lords was abolished we would have no more Elections in Britain – a scandalous comment.
EY Committee began at 10.10 with Gerald Kaufman reporting on a recommendation from a study group that we accept BSC’s proposed closure of Shotton steelworks. This would be a direct breach of a clear pledge given by the Chairman, Charles Villiers, and by Eric Varley last year that Shotton would not be closed until 1982–83.
Kaufman said there was substantial overcapacity in the steel industry and the situation would deteriorate further with the coming on stream of the new integrated steel plants at Ravenscraig and Redcar. ‘BSC now proposes major closures at Corby and Shotton in 1979–80. These are the best closures to choose if we are going to follow this course. It would involve 5,000 redundancies at Shotton in North Wales, affecting Merseyside, and 5,500 at Corby. Male unemployment in Shotton would double, and at Corby it would increase from 20 per cent to 28 per cent. But the failure to close Shotton would cost £29 million and defer the viability target for BSC beyond 1980 to 1981.’ He said the Foreign Office and the Department of Trade feared that keeping the plants open would give rise to American and Common Market objections.
Eric Varley said it would be very difficult for him because in Merseyside Dunlop were about to announce another 3,000 redundancies.
Jim asked, ‘Why, with all these redundancy announcements, are the figures for unemployment going down?’
‘Because the service industries are picking up redundant workers,’ said Denis.
Friday 15 December
The Government was defeated in the Commons over the use of economic sanctions against Ford, following their settlement of 17 per cent with their workers last month.
Sunday 17 December
Worked at home this morning, and in the afternoon Lissie and I sat and watched the end of The Railway Children and I had a good weep.
I must say, the more I think about the political situation, the more it looks as if the whole atmosphere is clouding over. I can see a series of disputes starting in the early part of the year. The oil-tanker drivers’ dispute could drag on, and then we go into the spring with a deepening world recession as a result of the impending oil price rises.
Monday 18 December
At 4.301 had what turned out to be a very useful meeting on the dispute with Albert, Moss Evans and Jack Ashwell, national officer of the TGWU. I explained the problems if the strike started on 3 January and we had to call the troops in, we would have to put people on alert immediately. I told them I would like to get the goodwill of the T&G.
Jack said, ‘That’s OK.’
Moss Evans asked Jack Ashwell if the strike could be deferred and Jack said no.
‘Of course,’ said Moss, ‘we don’t want the troops used.’
‘Neither do we,’ I told him, ‘but if I need to use them I will have to declare a state of emergency.’
Tuesday 19 December
To Cabinet, and Jim was in a frightfully cheerful mood and joked, and the atmosphere was very jolly. The first item was the tanker drivers’ dispute, and I had to give a report. ‘Prime Minister, I shall have to carry the can – the only one with petrol in it!’
Cabinet ended at about 12.20, and I had a drink with Peter Shore and Stan Orme. Jim came up to us and said, ‘Do you know, I just feel that 1979 is going to be my year. I think everything is going to come right.’ I thought for a moment he was joking, but I am sure he was serious. I nearly asked, ‘Have you tried walking on water, and will you rise on the third day?’, but thought it irreverent.
Saturday 30 December
Got the train to Stansgate and joined Lissie, Caroline, Stephen and June.
I sat down to write a memorandum called ‘The Maintenance of Essential Services during Industrial Disputes’, urging that the trade unions take on responsibility by agreement with the Government. If I write it as a Cabinet paper, it becomes classified, and nobody will ever know about it. However, I think I will send it to Len Murray, and if the TUC is favourable put it to the TUC–Labour Party Liaison Committee.
Monday 1 January 1979
Snowed in at Stansgate. Melissa is writing something called ‘Fight Sexism in the Benn Family’ in which she denounces the men for leaving all the work to Caroline.
Thursday 4 January
At 8.30 this morning I had a phone call from Bill Burroughs, my Private Secretary, to say that Texaco drivers had gone on all-out strike.
Frances Morrell has been invited to a nomination meeting as Labour candidate at Birkenhead, Edmund Dell’s constituency. It would be lovely if she could get selected there; she has certainly earned it.
Friday 5 January
The Texaco strike is worse, and Manchester, the North East and parts of Scotland are running out of oil.
Sunday 7 January
As a result of Melissa’s campaign, I cleaned the house from 10.30 till 7 and did five loads of washing. In the Observer there was a complete account of the paper I am presenting to a Cabinet committee tomorrow on miners’ pay.
There was a most interesting radio phone-in programme about Iran. That terrible Tory, Michael Charlton, was the presenter and he interviewed a close colleague of Khomeini, the Muslim leader who lives in Paris. It was extremely good; an Iranian woman caller asked if women would have rights in an Islamic republic. He said, ‘Yes, absolute full voting rights, but we are not prepared to have women turned into sex symbols.’
On ‘The World at One’ Mrs Thatcher was reported calling for a state of emergency and saying she would take away social securi
ty payments from strikers.
Monday 8 January
At 1.30 I went with Robert Priddle to Shellmex House to the emergency committee which Dick Mabon has been chairing. As I entered the room, I couldn’t but remember that these were the biggest companies in the world and any common interest that a Labour government might have with them at this moment is strictly temporary. John Greenborough, the President of the CBI and Chairman of Shell, was present.
Well, the new year has begun with a vengeance. I would like to believe that, if a left-wing policy were being pursued, we wouldn’t be having all this trouble with the unions. But the truth is that our society is so vulnerable through its centralisation and interdependence, that whatever policies you pursue you can’t avoid problems like this. Having said that, the situation is made worse by the Government’s philosophy, which is still basically anti-trade union. There will have to be a fresh deal with the trade unions to involve them more closely with the business of government because, frankly, they have got too much power to be excluded – thank God. That’s what the planning agreements and industrial democracy were all about, and we’ve done nothing about implementing them.
Thursday 11 January
At 10.40am Jack Cunningham came to report on the emergency situation. The oil-tanker drivers’ dispute is resolved, and there is no point in having a state of emergency for the road haulage drivers because the troops couldn’t provide emergency coverage of that magnitude.
Cabinet, and there were Jim and Sir John Hunt, all bronzed.
Jim reported on Guadeloupe. On the SALT talks, Schmidt and Carter had drawn attention to the fear of Russian domination in the grey areas of strategic arms limitation.
Elwyn Jones said, ‘I wish the importance of these Guadeloupe discussions could be understood and explained to the public because you, Jim, had a very bad press when you were away.’
‘I expected that. I tried to explain that I didn’t think there was a crisis when I got back but I got kicked on the shins for it.’
I realise that Jim felt guilty about being in Guadeloupe. He had had a bad press and had done poorly on television, and he was worried about the situation. But at the same time it was a historic Cabinet at which we were warned of a higher level of defence expenditure and of a possible break with the TUC. A Cabinet to remember.
