The Wanton Princess

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by Dennis Wheatley


  Giving him a nod of greeting that lacked any suggestion of cordiality, the Prime Minister indicated that he should take a chair. Instead Roger remained standing in front of the desk and said coldly, ‘While I continue to be your prisoner, sir, it is more fitting that I should listen to what you have to say as would a convicted criminal in the dock before a judge.’

  Mr. Pitt made an impatient gesture, ‘So you are as stiff-necked as ever, and have failed to learn the lesson that I hoped a week in the Tower would teach you.’

  ‘Oh, I’ve learnt it, and full well,’ Roger flared, his dark blue eyes now nearly black with rage. ‘It is that Charles Fox, whom I have long regarded as near a traitor, from his advocacy of revolutionary ideas, is in truth far from that and a true champion of Liberty. Whereas you, under the guise of patriotism, have taken on yourself the mantle of a tyrant. Your treatment of me has not differed in the least from that of King Louis XV when he had persons who were obnoxious to him flung into the Bastille without trial, justice or thought of mercy. How dare you behave towards a free-born Englishman in such a manner! Your conduct is an outrage and, Prime Minister though you be, I’ll have the law upon you for it.’

  The Prime Minister’s grey tired face remained unmoved and he gave a slight shrug of his narrow shoulders, as he said, ‘About any such intention, Mr. Brook, I must disabuse your hopes. Having been so long abroad you may not have heard how His Majesty’s coach was stoned while on its way to Parliament, of the riots in Bristol, Norwich and other cities during which the mobs were incited to seize private property, or that twenty thousand Londoners congregated not long since at Islington to demand the abolition of the Monarchy and the establishment of a Republic here. To suppress such grievous disorders I was compelled to take strong measures. They included arrest without warrant, the suspension of Habeas Corpus and confinement in prison during His Majesty’s pleasure. So I was entirely within my rights when ordering your detention.’

  ‘But why?’ Roger burst out. ‘What possible cause have you for inflicting this ignominy and discomfort on me?’

  ‘The answer to that is simple. When last we met you told me that you had been present at the debate in the House on February 3rd. You must then surely recall that the basis of my reply to Tierney’s attack upon me was the necessity for protecting the security of the realm. You, Mr. Brook, threatened to become a menace to that; therefore I had no option but to have you locked up. I must add that my view about you remains unchanged. As an adherent of Bonaparte you could not be other than a danger to this country. In consequence I am determined not to permit you to rejoin him.’

  ‘How do you propose to prevent that?’ Roger inquired. ‘By returning me to the Tower and holding me a prisoner there indefinitely?’

  ‘I could, but I should be loath to do so. Under the emergency law, should more than four persons congregate in the street to discuss politics they could be transported to the plantations in the Indies. I could arrange such a voyage for you and it might serve to chasten you. At all events it would keep you out of mischief for many months to come. But again, in consideration of your past services, I am reluctant to be harsh with you. Therefore I give you a choice. It is either that, or you will proceed to New Holland—Australia as we now prefer to call it—and furnish me with a report on the facilities for our establishing a Colony there.’

  ‘Should I accept, what guarantee would you have that I would ever go to this outlandish place?’

  ‘Your word as a gentleman, which I am prepared to accept.’

  ‘I thank you, sir, but I’ll not give it. I will neither go to New Holland nor allow you to send me to the Indies.’

  Suddenly Roger gave a harsh laugh, ‘I warned you that you had made a grave error in rejecting General Bonaparte’s overture. You have made a still greater one in sending for me today. In the field of politics I would never dream of challenging you; but you have had the temerity to challenge me on my own ground. We are face to face here in this room and, to my great regret, as enemies. You are set on thwarting my will. I am determined to regain the freedom of which you have arbitrarily deprived me and to pursue in future any mode of life that I please. In the past had some person sought to prevent me from bringing back to England secret information of great importance, do you think that I should have hesitated to kill him? Why then, since you are proving an obstacle to my plans, should I refrain now from killing you?’

  Stepping forward, Roger swiftly snatched up the thick, two-foot-long ebony ruler from the desk that lay between them and waved it threateningly.

  The Prime Minister sat back with a jerk, stared at him round-eyed and exclaimed, ‘You would not dare!’

  ‘Why should you think that?’ Roger smiled. ‘While in your service I’ve killed a score of people. And to kill you would establish me for life in General Bonaparte’s good graces.’

  ‘You are gone mad!’ Mr. Pitt murmured. ‘It must be so. ‘Tis the only possible explanation of this threat to kill me.’

  ‘I pray it may not come to that. But I must hit you on the head to render you unconscious for a while; and should your skull prove thin such a blow could make an end of you.’

  Mr. Pitt did not lack courage. Coming to his feet, he held out his hand and said sharply, ‘Mr. Brook, give me back that ruler.’

  ‘Nay. I’ll not do that unless you agree my terms unreservedly. And, for your skull’s sake, heed this warning. Do you raise your voice above normal, or make the least motion towards your bell, I’ll strike you down without further parley.’

  ‘What are your terms?’

  ‘That you should sit down again and write three brief documents. One, a paper for the officers downstairs stating that you have freed me from arrest. Two, an order to the Admiralty to have me transported back to France. Three, an acknowledgment that without just cause and for your own private ends you had me imprisoned in the Tower of London for a week.’

  ‘Never! Your demands are outrageous.’

  ‘It is through your own folly that I am compelled to make them. Had you allowed me to proceed to France without interference instead of acting against me as though I intended to become a traitor.…’

  ‘You gave every indication that you might become one,’ the Prime Minister broke in angrily. ‘ ’Twas clear to me that this ruffian Bonaparte had bewitched you. Once you had broken your ties with England, as you said you meant to do, the fascination he holds for you would have led you into becoming an enemy of your country, and a most dangerous one.’

  ‘There you wrong me grievously. Having played a double game for so long, why should you consider me incapable of continuing to do so? I said only that I was no longer willing to act as a secret agent for you. It does not in the least follow that I would not aid the cause of England should an opportunity arise. And it well may. Britain and France are both nearly exhausted, and I am convinced that the time is not far distant when they must agree a peace. When that time comes, having the ear of Talleyrand and Bonaparte there is at least a possibility that I may influence them a little into giving us more generous terms than they at first had a mind to do.’

  Mr. Pitt frowned, ‘I will admit that view of the matter had not occurred to me. Very well, then. I withdraw my objection. You may return to France. But in no circumstances will I sign a paper admitting that I had you imprisoned without just cause. I did so in the belief that it was for the protection of the safety of the realm.’

  ‘In that I believe you. Nevertheless, you must do as I require,’ Roger replied firmly. ‘You have made it clear that up till a few minutes ago you had lost faith in my integrity. How can I be sure that your trust in me is fully restored, that you will not after all prevent me from going back to France by having me again arrested before I can leave the country? Only your admission that you had me falsely imprisoned will protect me against that.’

  ‘I’ll not give it you!’ snapped the Prime Minister. ‘I’ll see you damned first.’

  ‘Then you leave me no alternative but to stri
ke you down and, leaving you either dead or unconscious, make my escape by way of the garden.’

  ‘ ’Twould be the act of a madman. What hope could you then have of getting back to France? Within a few hours, on learning of such a brutal assault, every man in southern England would be on the look out to apprehend you.’

  Roger gave a grim smile, ‘You sadly under-estimate my resourcefulness. I’d not attempt to cross the Channel. I’d go only as far as Brooks’ Club and seek sanctuary there. In that hotbed of your political enemies I’d tell my tale, then write it and give it to the newshawks for publication. Later I might hang for having attacked you. But, by God, the story of your having abused your powers to imprison a law-abiding subject would bring about your ruin. You would be hounded from the House.’

  For a long moment the Prime Minister stared at this terrible antagonist whom he had made into an enemy. Then he sat down at his desk.

  Two days later a British sloop under a flag of truce landed Roger in France.

  4

  The Rebirth of a Nation

  Late in the evening of February 17th Roger arrived at La Belle Etoile, a commodious hostelry no great distance from the Louvre. He had long made it his headquarters while in Paris, and its proprietors, the Blanchards, were old and trusted friends. They had first known him as a young assistant secretary to the Marquis de Rochambeau, seen him blossom into an elegant Chevalier who made one of Queen Marie Antoinette’s circle at Versailles, given him shelter while he had lived in Paris disguised as a ragged, filthy sans culotte and, more recently, felt honoured that now, as a Colonel A.D.C. to the First Consul, he should continue to live at their inn rather than seek the more luxurious quarters that he could well afford.

  Maître Blanchard greeted him with enthusiasm and took him at once into the private parlour, in which he had enjoyed many a good meal cooked by Madame. As the stalwart Norman landlord relieved him of his steeple-crowned hat and heavy, many-caped grey travelling coat, that portly lady said, ‘You must be tired and hungry, Monsieur le Colonel. Sit you by the fire while I order your old room to be got ready and our biggest warming pan put in the bed. Then I’ll make you your favourite omelette with mushrooms and half a dozen eggs.’

  Blanchard nodded his round head, on which the fair hair was now thinning. ‘Go to it, wife, while I get up two bottles of good full-bodied Burgundy wine with which to celebrate the return of our distinguished guest.’

  A quarter of an hour later Roger was attacking the huge omelette with zest, while Blanchard was giving him the news of the day. ‘You cannot imagine,’ he said, ‘how greatly the state of things has been bettered here during the seven weeks you have been away. The First Consul has proved himself a miracle worker and is bringing order out of the chaos we have suffered for so long. Whereas for many winters half Paris has nearly starved, food is now plentiful and reasonable in price. There are no longer queues outside the bakers’ shops, property is again respected and the streets have become safe, even at dead of night.’

  ‘That is good news indeed,’ Roger replied. ‘And what of the new Constitution? Has it yet been passed?’

  ‘Not yet, but it should be soon. There can be little doubt of that, for General Bonaparte’s popularity is now immense.’

  The coup d’état of Brumaire had taken place on November 9th. On the 11th Bonaparte, the Abbé Siéyès and his crony Roger Ducos had been appointed provisional Consuls and the sittings of the Legislative Assembly had been suspended pending the passing of a new Constitution. By December 13th its form had been agreed and the sanction of the people to its acceptance asked in a national plebiscite. On that day too Bonaparte had succeeded in getting rid of his troublesome colleagues and having them replaced by Cambacérès and Lebrun.

  This new instrument of government, known as ‘The Consituation of the Year VIII,’ was to consist of two Chambers: the Tribunate which could propose new laws but could not pass them, and a Legislative Assembly which had no power to initiate new legislation, but was to debate the measures put forward by the Tribunate and either pass or reject them. Superior to both, there was to be a Senate of conservative elder statesmen, whose function it was to appoint the members of both Chambers. Finally, on December 26th, the day Roger had left for England, the Consuls had announced the formation of yet another Body, that had not been mentioned in the Constitution. This was a Council of State, to consist of not more than forty members: Generals, Admirals, lawyers and others who had distinguished themselves either before or during the Revolution. Its powers had not been stated but Roger, knowing Bonaparte so well, at once foresaw that before long he would rule through it, and the Chambers be reduced to no more than debating societies in which the members could air their opinions.

  Tired after his long and uncomfortable journey from the coast, as soon as he had finished his meal Roger thanked the honest couple, asked them to excuse him and went to bed.

  Next morning he unpacked one of the trunks that were always kept for him at La Belle Etoile and donned his fine uniform with its gold epaulettes and the special sash of an A.D.C., then went out to call on Monsieur de Talleyrand. On his way to the Foreign Minister’s he saw that, whereas when he had left Paris the streets had been filthy with litter, they were now clean and that the people in them, instead of having a sullen and often furtive look, were going about their business briskly with cheerful faces. These signs were the best possible evidence of the success of the measures that Bonaparte was taking.

  On his return from exile in America, Talleyrand had at once resumed his old life as a grand seigneur, and now lived in a big mansion in the Rue du Bac. His major-domo received Roger as an old friend of his master’s, said he would send in his name at once and showed him into a handsomely furnished room where a dozen people were waiting on the pleasure of the Minister. But Roger was there only for a few minutes, then the major-domo returned and conducted him across the hall to another room where Talleyrand was sitting, still at breakfast. With his usual charming manners he rose and invited Roger to join him. Roger had already breakfasted but he cheerfully accepted a good portion of truffled vol-au-vent and a glass of Château Lafitte.

  Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord was now forty-six. His grandfather had been a Prince de Chalais, so he was descended from one of the greatest families of ancient France. As the eldest son of a Marquis he should have inherited the title and estates but a careless servant had dropped him while still an infant, causing an injury to his right leg that, through lack of proper attention, had made him lame for life. This rendered a military career impossible; so his father had disinherited him in favour of a younger brother and forced him, much against his will, to go into the Church. Embittered by this, in ’89 he had enthusiastically embraced the movement to curtail the authority of the Monarchy and nobility, and had become one of the most prominent leaders of the Liberal Revolution. When the National Assembly had repudiated the rule of Rome and sought to establish instead an independent Church in France, he had been the first Bishop to transfer his allegiance to it; but since his return from exile he had given up even the pretence of being a priest, and certainly no man could have been less fitted for such a role.

  Handsome, elegant, witty, brilliantly intelligent, and he dressed always as a layman in the richest silks and satins, he had from the age of sixteen devoted himself to a life of debauchery. Many of the most beautiful women at the Court of Versailles, and most of those in Paris who had graced the salons during the dissolute period of the Directory, had been his mistresses. He was a cynic of the first order and venal to the last degree, having, since he had become Foreign Minister, amassed a great fortune in bribes. But he was already proving himself to be the greatest statesman of his age.

  Unfailingly courteous, preserving always an unruffled calm, graceful in movement despite his limp, he was an aristocrat to his finger tips. His slightly retroussé nose gave his face an autocratic look, but humour lurked in his grey-blue eyes under their heavy lids, and his deep voice was beautifully mo
dulated.

  As Roger took his seat at table, Talleyrand asked, ‘Well, Monsieur l’ Ambassadeur, what news out of England? Do you bring Peace in your pocket?’

  Roger now had reason to thank his stars both that he had sent Broussalt ahead of him with an interim report and later been imprisoned in the Tower for a week. The first had conveyed the information that the British Cabinet was averse to peace, the second had given time enough for particulars to have reached France that the attack by the Opposition on Pitt had failed to bring about the fall of his Government. With a smile he replied:

  ‘Your spies, Monsieur le Ministre, must be a sadly inefficient lot if they have allowed you to suppose that I might have. It must be some days now since you learned how Mr. Pitt scattered the friends of peace like chaff before him in the debate on February 3rd.’

  ‘Yes. He surpassed himself. One cannot but admire the man, ostrich-like though he has now become about realities.’

  ‘True. I doubt though whether the First Consul will accept that as an excuse for my failure; and I am preparing myself with such fortitude as I can for him to order me to be bastinadoed.’

  ‘Knowing how ill he takes any thwarting of his plans I think that in normal circumstances you might well fear to lose your epaulettes. But you are notoriously lucky, and your luck is certainly in that it should be today you must face him. The result of the plebiscite has at last come to hand. The voting was three million, eleven thousand and seven in favour of adopting the Constitution and only one thousand, five hundred and twenty six against.’

 

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