by Unknown
Our composer has freely drawn on this venerable tradition. In addition to literature and religion, philosophy, too, has made its mark, though it is difficult to adduce parallels with certainty. Stoicism seems to have been particularly influential. Such hymns as those to Ether, the Stars, Physis, Boreas, Zephyros, Notos, being personifications of natural phenomena, may point to Stoic influence. So may the invocation of Pronoia (Providence) in the proemic piece (line 30). The prominence of the fiery element as found, e.g., in hymns 5.4 and 66.4–5 would further appear to reflect Stoic belief. Yet it could be argued for some of these (and others) that the deciding influence was from the Pre-Socratics (e.g., Empedokles, Herakleitos), Pythagoreanism, and even Neoplatonism or Neopythagoreanism. There is so much fusion of different philosophical ideas in this collection that the only thing that can be said of them in this regard is that they represent a confluence and a monument to the syncretism that characterized religion in general during the Hellenistic and especially Imperial era. Their composer was not interested in creating a religious or philosophical system. The initiates wanted to protect their lives and save their souls. And to this end they needed the good will of every god and every daimōn. The texts that they used in their rites are interesting not so much as poetry but as repositories of religious ideas, frequently borrowed from a wide range of older literature and expressed by a means peculiar to a category of the hymnic genre. Careful linguistic study of the provenance of many of the epithets in the hymns—especially the hapax legomena—may help us answer some of the vexing questions that surround them.
Like all religions, Orphism had its profound religious beliefs and taboos. The animal sacrifice has a very special place in Greek religion. Those who participate are witnesses to the proper execution of the ritual that involves the sacrificial meal, always performed as an affirmation of shared religious beliefs. It is no accident that Orphism preached respect for animal life and abstention from eating the flesh of animals. Belief in the transmigration of souls, originally a Pythagorean one, made this prohibition necessary. For the Orphics, purification from guilt and pollution was a spiritual necessity, especially since they believed that punishment for wrongs committed in this world was inevitable. If it did not take place in a man’s lifetime, it would certainly happen in the subsequent one. The things from which an Orphic had to abstain threatened the purity of his soul with miasma, pollution. Purification, katharsis, did not simply free the soul from impurity but also protected a person from punishment and gave him the hope of eternal life in Elysium. Those who reached the underworld and its various punishments, all borrowed from Greek mythology, stayed there. They were then the unredeemed, doomed to be eternally deprived of the transmigration of their soul and thus the chance for redemption.9
The supreme god of Orphism was Dionysos, and at the center of this religious faith was a cosmogony different from the one we learn from Hesiod’s Theogony. Orphism preached the simple idea that the world was born from an egg. This primordial egg hatched out the first god, Eros, who was later named Protogonos and Phanes and who was said to be both male and female. He then created the world. The Hesiodic succession of Sky, Kronos, and Zeus was retained. Appended to this was the story of the death of Dionysos at the hands of the Titans, who tore him to pieces and devoured him, and Dionysos’ eventual rebirth.10 This significant theme was reenacted by the ecstatic worshippers of Dionysos. Central to Orphism is the idea that the body is evil and the soul is divine. In fact, the body is a tomb which serves as a prison for the spiritual entity we call the soul. The material part of man, the body, is the evil inheritance of the Titans. The spiritual part, the soul, comes from Dionysos, an immortal god and the son of Zeus. It is obvious that the Homeric concept of the living body as the man himself and of the soul as a pale lifeless shadow of him is completely inverted in Orphism.
The relation of Orpheus to Dionysus is peculiar. Both are connected with Thrace. Dionysos is a god of transitions.11 Orpheus obviously could cross the boundaries of culture into nature and back. He descended into the underworld to recover his beloved Eurydike and came back alive. The meaning of this myth is twofold. Heavenly song can conquer death and so can devotion to the beloved. But Eurydike, “wide justice,” remains in the world below, desired but tantalizingly beyond the reach of the living. The mythic prophet Orpheus dies a strange death; he is torn to pieces by Thracian maenads. This death is analogous to the one Dionysos himself suffered. Clearly the practice of Dionysian orgies, of tearing wild beasts into pieces and devouring their limbs, is a ritual connected with the tragic dismemberment of Orpheus. Maenadic women also in a state of ecstatic frenzy killed Pentheus, king of Thebes. In so many ways, Pentheus in the story that is so powerfully told by Euripides in the Bacchae is the surrogate victim. Pentheus dies so that Dionysus may live on forever.
Bits and pieces of Orphism are evident throughout the collection, but there is very little about Orphic theogony, anthropogony, or eschatology. To be sure Protogonos is equated with Phanes and is addressed as “born of the egg, delighting in his golden wings” (hymn 6.2). Orphic anthropogony is alluded to in the hymn to the Titans (hymn 37.4–6): “From you are descended all toiling mortals, / the brood of the sea and of the land, then the brood of the birds, / of all generations of the world born of you.” Kronos and Time (Greek khronos) are characteristically equated at hymn 13.5 where Kronos is called “begetter of time.” And certainly the phrase “dreadful Necessity governs all things” (hymn 3.11) must have been pregnant with meaning for the initiate, since Necessity mated with Time to give birth to Ether, Khaos, and Erebos. There is no hint anywhere of animal sacrifices and of meat eating, even if Dionysos himself is addressed as “ōmadios” (“taker of raw flesh”). This we may interpret as a concession to the non-Orphic side of the god and as part of the comprehensiveness of poems that are essentially conjuring formulae. Interestingly enough, it seems to be the persistent Orphic aversion to the crime of ōmophagia (eating of raw flesh and thus also the dismemberment of Dionysos) that accounts for its suppression in the hymn to the Titans (hymn 37). Also Orphic, but not uniquely Orphic, is the sentiment expressed in the varieties of the concluding formula that the addressee grant a good end to a life, since a good life on earth attended by the proper rites of initiation and purification constitutes some sort of guarantee of rewards, or at least of escape from punishment in the afterlife. The idea held by the Orphics that the body was a prison for the soul is expressed in the very last hymn (hymn 87.3–4).12 Referring as it does to a very central and basic belief, it serves as an unmistakably Orphic capstone of an edifice to which other religions and philosophical systems made generous contributions.
The question of Orphic rituals is a tantalizing one. Poems such as the Rhapsodies, Argonautika, and Lithika were written in late antiquity. Falsely attributed to Orpheus, they are a fantasy literature whose connection with Orphism ranges from non-existent to tenuous. For Pindar, glorious Orpheus is the father of songs (Pythian Odes 4.176–177). Immortality is conferred by lofty song. No Orphic ritual can emerge from the musings of this most aristocratic Greek poet. The fascination with the Bacchic gold tablets is justifiably enormous. Yet these fabulous fragments do not amount to a text that can help us reconstruct even one Orphic ritual. Immortality of the soul is the key Orphic belief in them. This central Orphic belief, I think, is the dominant theme of the Homeric Hymn to Demeter, composed sometime in the seventh century BC, whose origins specialists in Greek religion trace to an agricultural cult, specifically a fertility ritual. Caution must be exercised here. Syncretism and fusion must not be forgotten. Demeter dips Demophoön into fire to grant him immortality. Demeter’s abducted daughter, Persephone, and her journey to Hades and back into the upper world and into life is a great allegory for death and resurrection and hence a great allegory for immortality. There is frequent mention of ritual in connection with Orphism. Ancient references to Orphism and the Orphics are not very helpful in this regard. The beautiful Orphic cosmogony in the Birds of Ar
istophanes (685–704) teaches us ideas about the origin of the world. There is nothing in it as to what one should or should not do. There are many references to Orpheus and his followers in Plato, especially in the Republic. They are mostly philosophical speculations about aspects of human eschatology. Orphism inspired Pythagoras to create a rich type of theology that was founded on practice. Various details of the way his followers lived have more to do with a holistic way of life and less with the performance of certain rituals.
The cult of Dionysos was the most widespread in the Hellenized world. Religious associations that honored both Orpheus and Dionysos seem to have existed everywhere, and some rituals were called both Orphic and Dionysian. It seems quite clear from the collection itself that the Hymns were used by such a religious association (thiasos) of people who called themselves mustai, mustipoloi, or orgiophantai (mystic initiates) and who through prayer (eukhē), libation (loibē), sacrifice (thusia), and, presumably, secret ceremonies (orgia, teletai) invoked a series of divinities and asked for their presence or for the gift of some blessing, such as wealth, peace, health, and not infrequently for a blameless end to a good life. These associations had a definite hierarchy. One of the most prominent officiates was the boukolos, the oxherd. This title occurs only twice in the Orphic Hymns: at hymn 1.10 and hymn 31.7. It is reasonable to assume that the underlying idea was that of the mediator who would help the initiates into a Dionysian transformation. And it is equally reasonable to assume that a newly founded thiasos commissioned one or more able poets to provide them with religious poetry that should be as authentic and comprehensive as possible.
Most of the Hymns are addressed to divinities and concepts of the Hellenistic pantheon and its train of lesser divine or semi-divine figures. Such personified abstractions as Dike, Justice, and Nomos are so old and so common to various schools of Greek philosophical and religious thought as not to be especially Orphic. The only hymn to a god of Near Eastern origin is the one to Adonis. Three hymns are dedicated to Anatolian goddesses (Mise, Hipta, Melinoe), and the Anatolian moon god Men is mentioned in the opening address to Mousaios. The Orphic sympathies of the collection are nowhere more evident than in the number and fervor of individual pieces addressed to Dionysos. There are seven such hymns (possibly nine, if Mise and Korybas are viewed as alternate manifestations of Dionysos), while Zeus has only three that are specifically addressed to him. Dionysos is also frequently invoked or alluded to in many other hymns, and his characteristic epithets seem to have been so infectious and to have assumed such universal significance as to seriously have encroached on the territory of other deities (see further hymn 30). This is as it should be, since Dionysos is the chief Orphic god.
The Hymns were devotional. Perfumes are frequently mentioned at the beginning of an individual hymn. Sometimes incense is mentioned specifically. Storax was imported from Phoenicia, while incense and myrrh came from the Arabian Peninsula. There seems to have been a certain protocol, and a preference for this or that kind of aromatic substance. Incense for Sun, frankincense for Nike, Apollon, Artemis, Dionysos Liknites, and several other divinities. Myrrh was offered to Protogonos, Poseidon, Nereus, and Leto; storax to Prothyraia, Kronos, Zeus, Proteus, Dionysos, Demeter, Chthonic Hermes, etc. Crocus was offered to Ether, opium to Sleep, and simply perfumes for Moon, Physis, Rhea, Athene, etc. As has been observed it is not easy to see the connection between specific aromatic substances and ritualistic practices. The variety might be attributed to the preference of persons who contributed the specific perfume or other material. Perhaps also the season of the year played a role. The distribution of perfumes and aromatic substances as they appear in our Hymns is such as to make it impossible for us to offer a rational explanation of any systematic organization.
It makes sense to think that the time of chanting these beautiful hymns was evening. For the initiates the day’s labor was done and their worries could be set aside for the replenishment of their souls and for a respite from the mundane realities of the world. The Hymns are redolent with elements of mysticism. Indeed, the most pervasive characteristic of the Hymns, the ubiquitous epithet, might be, in part, an indication of a link between these hymns and the various remains of magic literature from the Hellenistic and Roman periods. Both direct a propitiatory address to a deity, accompanied by as comprehensive a list of its powers and properties as possible. The difference is that where the initiate seeks to persuade and cajole, the sorcerer seeks to bind and compel. There is no indication of accompanying music in the Hymns; however, it would be a mistake to latch onto this omission and think there was no music. First of all, the hymns themselves chanted properly constituted music. Perhaps that was enough for the initiates. Percussion instruments are mentioned, but their appearance might be due to their traditional associations. It is not easy to settle this question. Indic, Iranian, and Muslim cult music should not be excluded from consideration. After all, all these traditions use song as a bridge by which to unite heaven and earth. It should also be recalled that Orpheus was famous as a poet and a singer in addition to being renowned for his role as legendary founder of mystic rites.
We cannot recover the sounds and we do not know exactly what the mood was when the Hymns were sung. It might not be too much to suggest that people gathered in places that were sacred to them and that they did so as the softer colors of the evening were settling in on them. Candles provided gentle light. Wisps of incense smoke rose into the air. The magic of song, devotional, undulant, filled all of the sacred space and provoked the human heart to seek union with the divine.
We know the past only through the present. My [A.N.A.] reconstruction of an Orphic evening somewhere in Asia Minor is based on my experiences in the very mystical services of the Orthodox Church. There is no effort here to show an absolutely direct connection between the music of the Orthodox Church at present and the music of the Orphic Hymns. However, burning incense, keeping time with the swing of the censer, allowing sacred abandon to take over, and training the human voice to sink and then rise to God cannot have changed much throughout the ages, especially within a culture dominated by the same language and by the poetics of the same tradition.
On the whole, the style of the Hymns is homogenous and consistent. At the beginning of each hymn, the invocation, sometimes several divinities are summoned. Usually the name of the divinity or divinities is followed by an imperative, e.g., “Come! Hear!” Variations are to be found in the end of the prayer that asks for blessing, peace, prosperity, and wealth. There appears to be an order to the arrangement of most of the hymns. There are many male/female pairings throughout.13 The opening ones focus on the gods of the early generations and the theme of birth. Physis, Pan, and Herakles form a triad that sums up the creation of the physical world. Kronos and Rhea lead to Zeus. This begins a series of hymns where the traditional four elements of fire, air, water, and earth provide a coherent structure (hymns 15–27). Everything leads to the first hymn to Dionysos (hymn 30), his “birth” in a sense, which is strengthened by the appearance of divinities connected with the Orphic myth of his birth, death, and rebirth (hymns 31–38). A block of four hymns treats Eleusinian themes (hymns 40–43), and then comes the central cluster of hymns treating Dionysian cult (hymns 44–54). Aphrodite seems to preside over another series (hymns 55–68). A number of minor divinities, mostly in pairs and all of cultic importance, continue to another grouping of hymns associated with the elements (hymns 79–84). The three brothers Sleep, Dream, and Death end the collection. For details, see the introductions to the various individual hymns. The ring composition between birth at the beginning and death at the end is significant, and, if the Hymns were performed throughout the night, the dawning of a new day would have symbolically reflected the initiates’ hopes for a new life, one that promised the reward of eternal sunshine in the afterlife.
The Hymns are catalogues of religious epithets; such catalogues are intended to evoke the many powers of various divinities that are significant to a partic
ular type of religious ideology and practice. The question is: what sources of ancient literature could have inspired and instructed the writers of the Hymns? We have already indicated magical incantations. Hesiod’s catalogues of the daughters of Nereus and of the daughters of Okeanos are religious documents (Theogony 240–264 and 346–363). Homer’s catalogue of the Nereids (Iliad 18.39–49) is a poetic construct, whose origin is religious. Hesiod’s catalogues come from an old religious tradition. A deity must be invoked by words that refer to its attributes. In all likelihood the names of the daughters of Nereus and of the daughters of Okeanos are in fact epithets of the sea, at times older than even Hesiod, epithets that point to a Mother of the Waters. The sea has countless potencies, countless faces. The sea is both a great blessing and a treacherous element that is fraught with peril. The fact that great numbers of feminine divinities, essentially Daughters of the Sea, so frequently rise out of the sea is indicative of a deeply entrenched and old religious feeling that the sea is feminine and maternal, a huge counterpart to the masculine sky. Zeus is the Indo-European sky god. When people pray to him they also pray to the sky. In a tradition that predates the arrival of the Greeks in Greece, the sea and its in-dwelling divinities must have received more attention. The new religion that emerged introduced a male god whose dominion became preeminent. The lists of the daughters of Nereus and of Okeanos are prayer lists that come from an older religious order. Every one of these names has a meaning. The following example is taken from Hesiod’s Theogony:
