by Unknown
This earliest picture of the Muses as graceful and benevolent deities who inspire artists and especially poets and who frequently sing as Apollon plays the lyre is the one that became standard and that was developed in the succeeding centuries. However, there are alternate traditions. For one thing, their number and names are not entirely fixed. Pausanias 9.29.2 reports that there was an account of three Muses, named Melete (Practice), Mneme (Memory), and Aoide (Song). Pausanias subsequently mentions that the Archaic poet Mimnermos had distinguished between two generations of Muses: an older one, daughters of Sky, and a younger one, daughters of Zeus (9.29.4). Similarly, Alkman records two different genealogies in different poems, with one group descended from Earth and Sky (Diodorus Siculus 4.7.1 = PMGF 67). Mousaios is also supposed to have mentioned two generations, an older one born in the time of Kronos, and a younger one born of Zeus and Mnemosyne. What we seem to have here is myth’s propensity for doublets, as in the succession myths involving Sky/Kronos and Kronos/Zeus or the two wars known as the Titanomachy and Gigantomachy.
The Muses were worshipped privately and in public cult. Hesiod’s astounding encounter with the Muses while tending his flocks at the foothills of Mount Helikon (Theogony 22–34) led him to dedicate a tripod he had won in a poetic contest (Works and Days 654–659). The special connection between poet and Muse is affirmed by Homer in the person of the bard Demodokos (Odyssey 8.62–73 and 486–500) and, negatively, in the story of Thamyris, who boasted that he could outdo the Muses in song (Iliad 2.594–600). A legend of the poet Arkhilokhos has him meeting the Muses, disguised as mortal women on the way back from work, in the early morning hours as he was leading a cow to the market. They asked if the cow was for sale, and when he replied that it was, they promised him a good price for it. Thereupon women and cow disappeared, and a lyre lay at the feet of the awestruck future poet.
The most important cult site was probably in the Vale of the Muses at Helikon. The cult might have already been in existence in Hesiod’s time. However, there is scant evidence for it until the beginning of the fourth century BC, when the town Thespiai was in control of the cult and strove to increase its importance from a restricted, local affair. In this the town was successful. During its history, the cult attracted the support from Greek cities and organizations and in particular from rulers of Pergamon, Egypt, and Rome. Numerous dedications are described by Pausanias (9.29.1–31.3). The place evidently became a popular tourist destination. Connected with the site was a festival called the Mouseia that comprised both musical (at first primarily theatrical it seems) and athletic events. There are cults to the Muses sprinkled throughout Greece, notably at Delphi (in connection with Apollon) and Athens. In addition to such traditional religious expressions, worship of the Muses became connected with private institutions of learning. Perhaps the most famous is the Mouseion at Alexandria, where the scholars were supported by the kings of Egypt. (The word “Mouseion” means “place of the Muses,” and, via Latin, is the source of our “museum.”) Almost a century before Alexandria, however, Plato established a Mouseion and a private cult to the Muses in the district of Akademos (whence English “academy”), where his school was located. Aristotle’s Lyceum had one as well, and the phenomenon of dedicating an institution of higher learning to the Muses and calling it a Mouseion was widespread.
Orpheus as a poet is naturally connected to the Muses through his avocation. The relationship might have been deeper. Plato suggests that some claimed he was directly descended from the Muses (Republic 364e), and Pausanias mentions his descent from Kalliope as one of the falsehoods believed by the Greeks (9.30.4). See also Orphic fragment 896, 898, 902–906, and OH 24.9–11n; for other Muses, see Orphic fragment 907–908. Orpheus was from Thrace, and the Muses as well at times are connected with this country and its people. Strabo reports that the Macedonians in his time inhabited places once occupied by the Thracians where the Muses were especially worshipped and that the Thracians were the ones to bring the Muses to Helikon (9.2.25, 10.3.17; cf. Pausanias 9.29.3). Thamyris was Thracian, and in the tragedy Rhesos attributed to Euripides, the title character, a Thracian, is made the son of a Muse and river god.
This hymn forms a pair with the following one dedicated to Mnemosyne (cf. OH 14.8–9n). For their position in the Hymns, see OH 69i.
1: Our hymn follows the more widespread tradition of the Muses’ genealogy, and there seems to be no sign of the older generation mentioned by some Archaic poets.
2 Pierian Muses: Pieria is a mountain to the north of Mount Olympos in Macedonia, and it is the traditional birth place of the Muses. Of course, the Muses come to live on Olympos, where they entertain the gods. As mentioned in the introduction to this hymn, they are also associated with Helikon, and they are sometimes referred to as the “Helikonian Muses” (e.g., Hesiod Theogony 1).
4 in every discipline: The Muses are the catalysts of all artistic and intellectual activity. The association of one specific Muse with one particular branch of art (e.g., Kalliope with epic poetry) is a later development. See also Murray 2004.
7: The Muses are usually not directly linked with mystic rites. However, the widespread pedagogical function of the Muses in addition to the role music and dance played in mystery cults makes it quite easy to attribute to them the revelation of such matters. The role of their mother, Mnemosyne, in Orphic cult (see OH 77i), as well as the fact that one of their number, Kalliope, is sometimes claimed to be Orpheus’ mother, also facilitate such a connection; see further OH 24.9–11+n, where the Nereids are said to have been the first to establish Bacchic rites. It might be suggested in these lines that the Muses were the source of the rite Orpheus teaches to Mousaios in the beginning of the collection (see OH Oi); compare the revelatory nature of the Muses and their epiphany to the poet Hesiod (Theogony 22, 26–28). See Hardie 2004 for further discussion. In addition to the Nereids, we find elsewhere in the collection that the Kouretes are credited with being the “first to set up sacred rites for mortals” (OH 38.6+n), the Dionysian thiasos is said to reveal “torch-lit rites” (OH 54.10+n), and Themis is suggested to be the one who introduced maenadism (OH 79.7–10n). See also OH 40i. Diodorus Siculus gives a euhemerized account of Dionysos’ thiasos, among whom are a group of extraordinarily talented and educated women called the Muses who provide entertainment (4.4.3, 4.5.4).
8–10: Lines 8–9 are probably quoted directly from Hesiod Theogony 77–79, who may have been the first to name these divinities. Our poet deviates from Hesiod’s words in his elaboration on Kalliope, who nevertheless was the preeminent Muse for Hesiod as well. “Mother” might refer to the tradition that she was Orpheus’ mother (see the introduction to this hymn), and this might further explain the pride of place given to her. Since the opening address to Mousaios tells us there are nine Muses (OH O.17–18), Hagne (meaning “holy”) here would either be another name for Kalliope (as we have translated it) or refer to some other goddess, perhaps Mnemosyne. The Greek word “hagnos” is used of the Muses in Orpheus’ opening address. According to Pausanias, Persephone was called Hagne in Messene, where there was a sacred grove containing her statue along with one of Apollon and Hermes carrying a ram; he then piously declines to discuss the mysteries practiced there in honor of Hagne and Demeter, which he considers second in rank to Eleusis (4.33.4–5). It is interesting to note that a river close by is linked to the blinding of Thamyris (4.33.3). The names of the Muses are significant in that they are in some way connected with their musical endeavors. The one exception is Ourania (Heavenly); her name might be a remnant of the older generation descended from Sky, as discussed in the introduction to this hymn. The meanings of the names of the others are as follows: Kleio, “celebrator”; Euterpe, “well-pleasing”; Thaleia, “abundance”; Melpomene, “singer”; Terpsichore, “joy in dance”; Erato, “lovely”; Polymnia, “many hymns”; Kalliope, “pretty voice.” Orphic fragment 362 is from a scholiast to Apollonios of Rhodes Argonautika (3.1–5c), who discusses a scholarly debate over the menti
on of Erato in that poem; one side claimed that, according to the “Orphics,” she was traditionally the inventor of dancing.
12 glory and emulation: This might have the connotation of rivalry, albeit the positive sort that pushes one to reach or surpass the level that another has attained. Compare the use of the related verb by Hesiod to describe the effects of Good Strife: “One neighbor emulates the other/who hastens to wealth” (Works and Days 23–24). There may be an allusion to the “learned contests” mentioned at the end of the hymn to the Stars (see OH 7.12–13n and OH 33i).
12 lovely and sung by many: The Muses’ mother Mnemosyne is also described as “lovely” in OH O.17, and this word is a play on the name Erato. Likewise, “sung by many” (Greek “poluumnon”) is a play on the name Polymnia.
77. To Mnemosyne
Traditionally, Mnemosyne was one of Zeus’ lovers and gave birth to the Muses (Hesiod Theogony 53–54 and 915–917). This seems to be the extent of her importance in traditional myth. According to Hesiod, she herself is the daughter of Sky and Earth (Theogony 135; cf. Orphic fragment 179) and so one of the original Titans. Her name means “memory,” and this is a quality that is of utmost importance in an oral culture and especially for the oral poet. Of course, it continued to be important even as the Greeks increasingly became a literate society, just as it is still considered advantageous for someone to possess in our day and age. As mentioned in OH 76i, one tradition claimed there were only three Muses, one of whom was called Mneme (Memory). Plutarch tells us that the Muses were also known as Mneiai, i.e., the Memories (Quaestiones conviviales 743d). Poets traditionally start with the Muses or at least invoke them before embarking on a difficult stretch, and Plato, about to recount to Krito a conversation in which he recently engaged, somewhat ironically states “as for the rest of it, Krito, how might I properly relate it to you? For it is no small matter to be able to recover through narrating such incredible wisdom as I heard. So that I for my part, just like the poets, need to call upon the Muses and Mnemosyne at the beginning of my narration” (Euthydemus 275c–d). Hermes in his eponymous Homeric hymn calls upon Mnemosyne at the start of his song (4.429–430). See further OH 76i. It is quite possible that the goddess of Iliad 1.1 and the Muse of Odyssey 1.1 is none other than Mnemosyne herself; the same might be said of the Muse invoked at the beginning of the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite (no. 5).
There is very little evidence of cult activity for Mnemosyne. One of the lives of Aesop reports that he set up a temple to the Muses and placed Mnemosyne among them instead of Apollon, which incensed the god. In his visit to Athens, Pausanias describes a private home where Dionysos was worshipped (1.2.5). The god was called Melpomenos (Singer, and cf. the name of the Muse Melpomene), and Pausanias reports that he found a statue or picture of Mnemosyne along with Athene, Zeus, and the Muses. It is unclear if the goddess was worshipped here. However, two writers on Athenian history, Philokhoros (fourth/third century BC) and Polemon (third/second century BC), mention that wineless libations were poured to Mnemosyne at Athens, as well as to Dawn, Sun, Moon, the nymphs, and Aphrodite Ourania. The Erinyes also received such libations (Sophokles Oedipus at Kolonos 100), and the practice implies chthonian rites.
In Orphic eschatology Mnemosyne—or rather her lake—played a significant role. A number of the Bacchic gold tablets mention this geographical feature in the instructions that are intended to remind the soul of the initiate what to do once in the underworld. Indeed, the first line of the first one states “this is the work of Mnemosyne,” and near the beginning of the eighth it seems that the initiate is called “hero who remembers” (but the text is somewhat corrupt). While there are some divergences in detail, the general procedure has the initiate’s thirsty soul avoiding the first body of water it perceives in the gloom, marked by a white cypress tree. All the other souls take their drink from there, but the initiate’s soul is directed to go further along to the Lake of Mnemosyne (nos. 1, 2, 8, 25). This lake is guarded (by whom or what, we are not told), and the guards ask the purpose of the soul’s visit. The answer to be given is to state that one is dying of thirst, to ask for a drink and to claim descent from Earth and starry Sky. The guards then grant a drink, and the soul, after drinking, proceeds to some special blessed area in the underworld reserved for initiates and/or that holds special distinction among the dead. For Johnston’s identification of the dangerous waters to avoid as the Spring of Forgetfulness, see OH 85.8n. Our hymn, too, shows a concern for combating oblivion. The first reference speaks to this in general terms (line 3); at the end, the prayer is particularized to the “sacred rite.” It might refer to some aspect of the ritual in which these hymns were presumably employed, perhaps the “learned contests” found in the hymn to the Stars (see OH 7.12–13n and OH 76.12n). In any case, as the ritual was drawing to a close, our initiates would certainly have need to invoke memory to remember the last remaining hymns and ritual acts (see van den Berg 2001, p. 215, and Graf/Johnston 2007, p. 155). If they had been active the entire night, they were probably growing weary as dawn approached (see further OH 78i). The contrast between remembering and forgetting also appears in Orphic fragment 415, from the Little Krater ascribed to Orpheus. In this fragment the “harmony of the Muses” and all human endeavors granted by Mnemosyne are said to have been hidden through forgetfulness by time (perhaps Time?) and are preserved for humans by memory. Finally, of interest, though not directly connected with our hymn, is that Pausanias explains that before one goes to consult the oracle of the hero Trophonios, he is first required to drink from the fountain of Lethe (Oblivion) to clear his mind of all things before encountering the god and then from the fountain of Mnemosyne to remember what the oracle states (9.39.8); after the oracle is given, the person is put on the seat of Mnemosyne and asked what he learned from the god (9.39.13). This use of liquid to induce psychological states is reminiscent of the transformation the consumption of wine effects; see OH 50i.
78. To Dawn
Dawn (Greek Eos) is the lovely goddess on whom Homer lavishes some of his most beautiful epithets (e.g., “rosy-fingered,” “saffron-cloaked”). We find variants in her genealogy. Hesiod makes her the daughter of the Titans Hyperion and Theia and the sister of Sun and Moon, two other divinities with a notable connection to light (Theogony 371–374); she then gives birth with the obscure Astraios to the winds Zephyros, Boreas, and Notos, as well as to the Morning Star (Eosphoros, “dawn-bringer”) and all the stars (Theogony 378–382; see also OH 7.3n). In myth, Dawn is primarily portrayed as a goddess with a fondness for plucking mortal men off the face of the earth to be her lover, usually with unhappy results. Most famous of all is perhaps Tithonos. She loved him so much that she asked Zeus to grant him immortality, forgetting to ask for eternal youth as well. Eventually she tosses the aged Tithonos into a closet, where he withers away to a mere plaintive voice and eventually is turned into a cicada. See Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite 5.218–238. They had two sons, Emathion, who was killed by Herakles during this hero’s western wanderings, and Memnon, king of the Ethiopians, who was killed by Akhilleus at Troy. Ovid tells in detail the story of her abduction of Kephalos and his eventual rejection of the goddess in favor of his true love, the mortal Prokris (Metamorphoses 7.690–862). The hunter Orion was also an interest of Dawn’s, and according to Homer he was killed by Artemis for this relationship (Odyssey 5.121–124). Homer also briefly mentions a fourth lover, Kleitos (Odyssey 15.250–251). This pattern of behavior was noticed in antiquity, and one reason offered for it was that Aphrodite had cursed Dawn for having an affair with Ares (Apollodoros 1.4.4). Our hymn takes no notice of such charming tales.
Dawn seems to have had no role in cult practice, although there is a brief hint in Ovid that she was worshipped somewhere (Metamorphoses 13.588: “For I possess the scantiest amount of temples throughout the wide world.”); however, this might just be an understated way of saying that there were no temples to Dawn. It is possible that the goddess is addressed as Orthria and Aotis in Alkman PMGF 1.
This is hotly debated, but, if true, it would indicate worship of Dawn at Sparta in the Archaic period. The placement of this hymn in the collection might seem odd at first glance; one would expect it to be grouped with the hymn to Night (OH 3). However, if the hymns were intended to be performed in the order transmitted and if the proceedings took place at night, then the position of this hymn might indicate that it was sung right before or at the break of dawn (as opposed to the hymn to Night, who is requested to come to the initiates in the hymn dedicated to her, which is positioned right at the beginning of the collection; see OH 3i and OH 77i, and cf. OH 54.5+n). While many hymns describe a divinity in terms of light, this is the only hymn that calls on an entity to provide light to the initiates. Comparable, perhaps, might be Alkman PMGF 1.60–63, which has been interpreted to refer to the closing of a nightly ritual at the approach of dawn (see also OH 7.12–13n). This functional interpretation would also explain our hymn’s emphasis on Dawn in her capacity as harbinger of the day as well as the complete lack of mythological dressing, with even genealogical details lacking. Note, too, the close proximity of the hymns to the three winds (OH 80–82), the same ones Hesiod designates as Dawn’s progeny (see also OH 80.5–6n). Cynical minds recalling the story of Tithonos will find significance in the fact that it follows the hymn to Mnemosyne.
