by Iris Origo
It will, I think, be obvious that I love Italy and its people. But I have become chary of generalisations about countries and nations; I believe in individuals, and in the relationship of individuals to one another. When I look back upon these years of tension and expectation, of destruction and sorrow, it is individual acts of kindness, courage or faith that illuminate them; it is in them that I trust. I remember a British prisoner of war in the Val d’Orcia helping the peasant’s wife to draw water from the well, with a ragged, beaming small child at his heels. I remember the peasant’s wife mending his socks, knitting him a sweater, and baking her best cake for him, in tears, on the day of his departure.
These—the shared, simple acts of everyday life—are the realities on which international understanding can be built. In these, and in the realisation that has come to many thousands, that people of other nations are, after all, just like themselves, we may, perhaps, place our hopes.
IRIS ORIGO
La Foce, 1944
Iris in 1935
* Roberto Battaglia: Un uomo, un partigiano, Edizioni U., 1945.
† Major P. Gibson.
‡ General Sir Richard O’Connor, K.C.B., D.S.O., M.C.
1943
Refugee children in 1943, with Iris, Schwester Marie, Benedetta and baby Donata
JANUARY 30TH
The first refugee children have arrived. They were due yesterday evening at seven—after a twelve hours’ journey from Genoa—but it was not until nine p.m. that at last the car drew up, and seven very small, sleepy bundles were lifted out. The eldest is six, the others four and five—all girls except one, a solemn little Sardinian called Dante Porcu. We carry them down into the play-room of the nursery-school (where the stove is burning, and supper waiting) and they stand blinking in the bright light, like small bewildered owls. White, pasty faces—several with boils and sores—and thin little sticks of arms and legs. [1]
The Genoese district nurse who has brought them tells me that they have been chosen from families whose houses have been totally destroyed, and who, for the last two months, have been living in an underground tunnel beneath the city, without light or sufficient water, and in bitter cold. Their fathers are mostly dock-labourers; two of them have been killed.
The children eat their warm soup, still too bewildered fully to realise where they are—and then, as they gradually thaw and wake up, the first wail goes up—‘Mamma, Mamma, I want my Mamma!’ We hastily produce the toys which we have prepared for just that moment; the little girls clutch their dolls, Dante winds up his motor, and for a few minutes tears are averted. Then we take them upstairs and tuck them up in their warm beds. Homesickness sets in again—and two of them, poor babies, cry themselves to sleep.
FEBRUARY 2ND
It is only comparatively seldom that the so-called ‘turning-points’ in a country’s history—so convenient to the historian—are actually observable by those present at the time. But the dropping of high explosives commands attention; and in the days after the first raids on Turin and Genoa, in November, everyone in Italy said: ‘Now it’s come; now it’s our turn.’
The intention, presumably, of the raids was to produce panic: the immediate result was rather resentment. Partly of the kind that the Allies wished to produce, resentment against Fascism: ‘This is where They (the Fascists) have landed us.’ But there was also the effect produced on every other bombed civilian population; a healthy, elementary reaction of resentment against those who were dropping the bombs.
And already in these first days of confused bewilderment, compassion and pain—when one began to meet the first refugees and to hear the (now all-too-familiar) stories of crowds crushed in the doorways of shelters, of homeless children, of anger and fear and pain and mismanagement, it became clear that the country was going to be divided between those whose resentment took one or the other form: either against their own government or against the Allies.
Among the first were, naturally, all those whom one may call the professional anti-Fascists, the Opposition, and to these must be added the ever-increasing numbers of the disillusioned, of all kinds, sincere ex-Fascists, gradually disgusted by graft, mismanagement, and bluff; members of all three Services, suffering from a similar disillusionment; members of the upper classes, whose allegiance to Fascism was really chiefly to the god Success, and whose first anti-Fascist and anti-German wobblings began with the first glimpse of failure, only kept in check by an even greater fear of ‘bolshevism’; and finally a number of simply bewildered, frightened, common citizens, afraid that the next bombed city would be their own. Among these last the Opposition deliberately circulated alarmist rumours and catastrophic prophecies. ‘Tripolitania will fall in a fortnight—Tunisia in three weeks—Then there will only be half an hour’s flight between the Allied bombers and every town in Italy—Sicily will be invaded—no, Corsica, and Sardinia, and from there the Tuscan coast. Every beautiful building in Italy—Rome, Venice, Florence—will be destroyed. It’s the end of Italy, for ever.’ These prognostications naturally led to the question: what can we do to avoid this tragedy? Even now, said the Opposition, it is not too late. Turn out the Fascists, demand the King’s abdication, and form a temporary military dictatorship, to sign a separate peace.
This proposal, however, was far from universally acceptable. ‘Let us show the English that we can take it as well as they have!’ was the cry of many people throughout the country—not necessarily Fascist or pro-German, but roused to anger and national pride. ‘Must we turn traitor and be despised by the whole of Europe?’ No, they maintained, the only decent course was to swallow for the present all political differences, and stick it out until the end. Some even hoped in a renewal of the Italian spirit, a revival of national unity and valour, such as was seen after Caporetto; but they were few. Most of them admitted that defeat was now inevitable, but maintained that the only course, nevertheless, was to go on fighting. To the moral argument was added a profound conviction that the Opposition’s faith in the Allies’ terms was excessive. ‘Contempt is all that we shall reap.’
In November, nevertheless, the King’s abdication and a separate peace were openly spoken of everywhere, even in the Senate. The programme of the Opposition, according to its supporters, was sanctioned (though of course not publicly) by the Vatican, was supported alike by Monarchists, Republicans, Communists and Liberals, and was to be carried out by the Army, led by the Principe di Piemonte. The programme was the following: the King’s abdication, seizure of the Fascist leaders, and assumption of the government by a military dictatorship, headed by the Prince of Piemonte. Then an immediate request to the Allies for an armistice, and, in due course, after a ‘period of transition’, a Liberal coalition government, headed by Bonomi. According to the more optimistic members of the Opposition, the temper of the country is now already ripe for these events, a sufficient majority of the Army is ready to move, and the Prince would be prepared to take the responsibility, provided his father had abdicated of his own free will.
How many responsible people would really now be prepared to follow such a course, and how many would condemn it—whether on grounds of principle or of expediency—I have no idea. Each party, of course, claims that the other is only a despicable minority. Feeling runs high, and my chief dread is of a situation like that in France: inner conflict (combined with the activities of the Gestapo) followed by chaos.
FEBRUARY 10TH
The second batch of children has now arrived: six little girls from Turin. They are older than the Genoa children—eight-to-ten-year-olds—and much more self-possessed; but they show more clearly the effects of what they have been through. One of them, Nella, is suffering from a mild form of ‘St. Vitus’ dance’; another, Liberata, has sudden fainting-fits. All are very nervy and easily become hysterical. But all—the ‘big girls’ from Turin and the ‘little ones’ from Genoa—are quite astonishingly well-behaved. We have had, of course, to struggle with their hair (some of them have had their heads shaved),
but otherwise their ‘habits’ contrast most favourably with what I have heard of the little evacuees in English villages—and their manners are charming. All of them have had their homes destroyed by air-raids—and most of them have parents working in the Turin factories, and fully realise that they will be bombed again. At post time they hurry up to the fattoria—and if for three days one of them has no letter, they go about with white, pitiful faces. Each child has at once had a medical examination and is now under the district nurse’s daily care—the older ones go to the school next door, the little ones do some nursery-school lessons with their own teacher. I have written long letters to each of their mothers, and we have taken a photograph of them to send home. Perhaps later on, their mothers will be able to come to see them. [2]
Already the children’s characters are beginning to define themselves. Of the older girls Liberata is the leader: by far the most intelligent and sensitive, and already ‘mothering’ the little ones, she is a born school teacher—and no doubt will become one some day. Of the others the most engaging is fat Anna Gotta—as round and pink as an apple—who insists on tying a minute bow of blue ribbon in her single inch of hair (she, too, has had her head shaved) to show that she is not a boy.
Children such as these, all over Europe, have had to leave their own homes and families, and are arriving—bewildered but hopeful—among strangers. There is something terribly moving in this exodus—something, too, so deeply wrong in a world where such a thing is not only possible but necessary, that it is difficult not to feel personally responsible. For the present we can try to salve our consciences by giving them food, shelter and love. But this is not enough. Nothing can ever really be enough.
APRIL 1ST
Three months of this year of waiting have already passed. Military events have been less rapid than was expected here in January. Tripolitania has fallen, but the acute phase of the struggle in Tunisia has only now begun. However, it is fully realised that that cannot last more than another few weeks; the eleventh hour has come. What then?
Since January a marked change has come over public opinion. The active resentment and dismay which followed upon the Allies’ landing in North Africa and the bombing of Italian cities has given place to a despairing apathy. The whole country is sunk under its leaden weight. There is now no hope of victory, and the number of those who say, ‘We must hold out with Germany until the end’ is becoming smaller. But as the time left for any other measure becomes shorter, as the menace (indeed, the certainty) of bombing, invasion and total defeat draws nearer, no one comes forward to take a decisive step. It is hardly fear of the police (many of whom, indeed, are heartily anti-Fascist) or even of Germany. The general discontent finds open expression in every class, from the senator to the taxi-driver. Every night the streets of Rome are placarded with posters or strewn with pamphlets saying ‘Fascism must go’. Everyone cries ‘How long, oh Lord, how long?’; everyone says quite openly: ‘It is Fascism that has brought us to this.’ But still it is all talk; no one will take a risk, or a responsibility.
The King himself remarked a few days ago: ‘It is like the time after Caporetto. Only now the events are greater—and the men smaller.’ Every day a fresh rumour, a fresh shadowy plan arises—never to take a definite shape. Part of the Senate, it is rumoured, would support a provisional government formed by members of the King’s Council, the Collari dell’Annunziata, for the purpose of deposing Mussolini, turning out the Fascists, and entering upon negotiations for a separate peace. Last week colour was given to this rumour by the unexpected bestowal of the Collare dell’Annunziata on Grandi. The diplomatic negotiations, it was said, would be entrusted to him, with Cini representing the industriali and the financial interests of the North, while a temporary military dictatorship would be headed by Marshal Caviglia or General Ambrosio (the chief of staff ). Many, however, maintain that it is already too late to save the King’s position, and such a step would be possible only after his abdication, under the leadership of the Principe di Piemonte. The true anti-Fascist Opposition, however, is violently opposed to these plans, or any others that would imply collaboration with the moderate Fascists—and attempts to influence both the Prince of Piemonte and the Vatican to take up the same attitude.
Thus we have in this country, besides the ever-diminishing number of Germanophile Fascists (headed by Farinacci):
(1) The various branches of ‘moderate Fascists’, each with their own axe to grind and their skin to save.
(2) The ‘Opposition’, consisting mostly of the old Liberals, but who have succeeded in enlisting a promise of co-operation from the Monarchists, the Republicans, and some of the Communists, and who are in touch with the Vatican, and with the house of Savoy through the Principessa di Piemonte. Some of the chief industriali of the north would probably co-operate with them; some with the moderate Fascists.
(3) The Army, almost entirely anti-Fascist, but with no really outstanding figure to take on the military dictatorship which would probably succeed any attack upon Fascism.
(4) The Vatican, working for peace at any price, with distinct pro-Ally and anti-Fascist sympathies. Here the outstanding figure is Monsignor Montini. The Pope is a saint—but a saint, it is said, lacking in determination.
(5) The House of Savoy: the King a dark horse, and the Prince almost equally so. The Princess intensely anti-German, and consequently anti-Fascist.
(6) The increasingly discontented, resentful, murmuring masses of the people—hungry, bombed, apprehensive. In the towns, in the country, the keynote is apathy. And everywhere, talk, talk, talk, and no action. Resentment without a sense of responsibility. The fruits of twenty years of Fascism. And on the part of those elder citizens who remember a different Italy, a profound sadness and sense of shame.
APRIL 12TH
Meanwhile the time is short. Two days ago, the English 8th Army and the American 1st Army joined forces; Sfax has fallen; Rommel is in full retreat. The American air-raids on Cagliari—totally undefended after the first two attacks—have been entirely different in quality from any executed by the RAF. The long queues of women and children waiting in the main street to enter the few shelters were repeatedly machine-gunned; the dead are over six thousand; and the few survivors have now taken refuge permanently in the caves round the town. A further horror is added by the fact that, during the first air-raid, the terrified lepers escaped from their hospital and have now mingled with the rest of the population.
When the first raids began, the following gentle prayer was said by the Sardinians:
Ave Maria, gratia plena,
Fa’ che non suoni la sirena,
Fa’ che non vengano gli aeroplani,
Fa’ che si dorma fino a domani.
Se qualche bomba cade giu
Madre pietosa, pensaci tu.
Gesù, Giuseppe, Maria,
Fate che gli inglesi perdano la via.
Dolce cuore del mio Gesù
Fa’ che gli inglesi non vengano più.
A less bitter war prayer can hardly be imagined. But now, after the machine-gunning and wholesale destruction, the tone has much changed and much bitterness is felt. In Naples, too, recent air-raids have not confined themselves to ‘military objectives’. A few days ago the first great daylight raid by American flying fortresses took place, and presumably heralds others. Worse than any raid, however, was the damage caused by the explosion, in the harbour, of a ship laden with munitions—a masterpiece of folly, since the ship was known to be on fire for three hours before the explosion, and was to be seen gently smouldering in the harbour, while officials argued with each other as to whether or no it would be advisable to take it out to sea. In the subsequent inquiry the officials (German and Italian, military, naval and civilian) all attempted to lay the blame upon each other.
Six days ago Mussolini departed in an armoured train for Bavaria—presumably to meet his colleague and to decide whether the Axis is to continue. It is certain that Italy cannot defend herself without Ge
rman help, both in men and war material. Germany is therefore forced to choose whether it will, on the whole, be cheaper for her to let her weaker ally make a separate peace, or to provide the means of defending her. [3]
APRIL 14TH
Mussolini has now returned and the official bulletin announces that the Axis still holds, but without specifying what help, if any, Germany will give to Italy. Sousse and Kairouan have fallen, and the Navy have refused to convey back to Italy the convoys of retreating troops, declaring that in view of their numerical inferiority and of the complete incapacity of the Air Force to defend them, any such attempt would be suicidal.
APRIL 16TH
C. A. arrives from Rome with the news that Germany will send no military help for Italy’s defence, that the order in Tunisia is to resist until the end, without attempting to bring any of the troops home, that a landing in Sardinia is expected before the middle of May. In Rome the Chief of Police, Senise, has been dismissed and the most varied rumours, all catastrophic, are spreading.
APRIL 23RD
Still the resistance in Tunisia continues. The English radio emphasises the sacrifices which the Axis is prepared to make in order to gain time to prepare the defence of the Continent. Seventy-four Junkers carrying reinforcements were shot down in one single convoy, and, according to the BBC, the losses in men crossing the Mediterranean to Tunis, before even reaching the field of battle, amount to fifty per cent.
E., arriving from Rome, brings the various current rumours: as soon as Tunisia has fallen, the invasion of Sardinia is expected, but after that one school of thought expects the invasion of Southern France, the other that of the Tuscan coast. If the latter, it is said that the Italian line of defence is to be the Tuscan Apennines: i.e. a line from Spezia to Pesaro. Others say the Apennine foothills round Monte Amiata—in which case this valley will be one of the battlefields.
