Jeff bit back a sardonic reply. He also bit back a burst of laughter that would have turned the funeral into a scandal. No, the widow didn’t know what her husband had been up to. How many Negroes had Chick Blades shot in the head from behind? Hundreds? Thousands? Pinkard shrugged. He’d shot one too many to keep doing it and go on breathing, and that was the only thing that mattered.
“Everybody liked him real good,” Jeff managed at last. “He could play the mouth organ like you wouldn’t believe.”
“He courted me with it,” she said, and broke down in tears again. She wouldn’t have been a bad-looking woman, not at all, if she were herself. She was somewhere in her thirties, dishwater blond, with a ripe figure the mourning dress couldn’t hide. “He was such a funny fellow.”
“Yes, ma’am,” Pinkard said uncomfortably. “I’ll do what I can to make sure you get his pension.”
She blinked in surprise. “Thank you!”
“You’re welcome,” Pinkard said. “I can’t promise you anything, on account of this has to go through Richmond. But I sure think you ought to have it. If any man ever died for his country, Chick Blades did.”
“That’s true,” Blades’ widow breathed. It was a lot more true than she knew. With any luck, she wouldn’t find out how true it was. Chick had got rid of more enemies of the Confederacy than any general except maybe that Patton fellow up in Ohio, but would anybody ever give him any credit for it? Not likely. The only credit he’d ever get was a pine box. Dirt thudded down on it as the gravediggers started filling in the hole.
“You take care of yourself, ma’am,” Jeff said, and then startled himself by adding, “You ever need anything, you let me know. Like I say, I dunno if I can manage everything, but I’ll do my best.”
“I may take you up on that, sir, after things settle a bit,” she answered. “I don’t know, but I may.” She shook her head in confusion. “Right now, I don’t know anything—not anything at all. It’s like somebody picked up my world and shook it to pieces and turned it upside down.”
“I understand,” Jeff said. She shook her head again, and then looked sorry she had. She didn’t want to make him angry or anything. But he wasn’t. It was no wonder she didn’t believe him. But he knew more than she thought he did—he knew more than she did, come to that.
What would happen when she found out? Sooner or later, she would, sure as hell. Pinkard shrugged. He couldn’t do anything about that.
He went back to Camp Dependable in a somber mood. What he saw in Alexandria did nothing to cheer him up. People who spoke English gestured and flabbled like Cajuns. People who spoke French—fewer than the English-speakers—peppered it with fiery Anglo-Saxon obscenities. Rusty decorative ironwork from before the War of Secession ornamented downtown businesses and houses. The whole town seemed rusty and rustic. He wondered if Pineville, on the other side of the Red River, was any better. The town’s name was ugly enough to make him doubt it.
Mercer Scott had the same feeling. “Ass end of nowhere, ain’t it?” he said as their motorcar carried them out of town.
“Maybe not quite, but you can see it from there,” Jeff answered.
Scott’s chuckle, like a lot of his mirth, had a nasty edge. “Some of the white trash back there’d count themselves lucky to be living in the camp. I’m from Atlanta, by God. I know what a real city’s supposed to be like, and that one don’t measure up.”
Jeff hit the brakes to keep from eradicating an armadillo scuttling across the road. “Atlanta, is it?” That explained a lot. Atlanta was too big for its britches, and had been since before the turn of the century. People who came from there always acted as if their shit didn’t stink just because they were Atlantans. Pinkard said, “Me, I come out of Birmingham. I could give you an argument about what makes a good city.”
“If you want to be a horseshoe or a nail or anything else made out of iron, Birmingham’s a fine enough town, I reckon. You want anything else, Atlanta’s the place to be.”
That struck home, after all the time Jeff had spent at the Sloss Foundry working with molten steel. He was damned if he’d admit it. “Atlanta says it’s a big city, but all you’ve got is fizzy water. And the fellow who invented the number one brand outa that place sucked up cocaine like it was going out of style.”
Mercer Scott only laughed. “You had that kind of scratch back at your house, wouldn’t you do the same?”
Since Jeff probably would have, he changed the argument in a hurry: “Besides, next to Richmond you ain’t so much of a much.”
“You don’t want to push me too far,” Scott said in suitably menacing tones. “You really don’t . . . boss.”
That could have provoked a fight between the two men as soon as they got out of the auto. It could also have made Pinkard pull off the road and settle things then and there. But he judged the other man’s menace was put on, not genuine, and so he laughed instead. Mercer Scott laughed, too, and the moment passed.
“Hell of a thing about Chick,” Pinkard said a minute or so later.
“Well, yeah.” But Scott didn’t seem unduly upset, not any more. “We’re here to get rid of niggers. If you can’t do the job, you don’t belong.”
“I wish he’d’ve asked for a transfer out or something, though,” Jeff said. “I’d’ve given him a good notice. He did the best he could, dammit.” His hands tightened on the wheel. If that didn’t sound like an epitaph, he didn’t know what did.
“Whole country did the best it could in the last war,” Scott replied. “That’s not good enough. Only thing that’s good enough is doing what you got to do.”
He had no give in him, not anywhere. That made him good at what he had to do. A camp guard who showed mercy was the last thing anybody needed. But it made Scott uncomfortable to be around. He was always looking for signs of weakness in other people, including Jefferson Pinkard. And if he found one, he’d take advantage of it without the least pity or hesitation. He made no bones about that at all.
“There’s the camp,” he said when Jeff swung the rattling Birmingham—iron, sure enough—around a last corner.
“Yeah,” Jeff said. “Wonder when they’re gonna send us some more population.”
“Whenever they do, we’ll reduce it,” Mercer Scott declared. “Only thing that can stop us is running out of ammo.” He laughed again. So did Pinkard, not quite comfortably.
Flora Blackford’s secretary stuck her head into the Congresswoman’s office. She said, “Mr. Jordan is here to see you.”
“He’s right on time,” Flora said. “Show him in.”
Orson Jordan was a tall blond man in his mid-thirties. He was so pink, he looked as if he’d just been scrubbed with a wire brush. “Very pleased to meet you, ma’am,” he said. By the way he shook Flora’s hand, he was afraid it would break if he squeezed it very hard.
“Please sit down,” Flora told him, and he did. She went on, “Shall I have Bertha bring us some coffee—or tea, if you’d rather?”
“Oh, no, thank you, ma’am.” Orson Jordan shook his head. He turned pinker than ever. Flora hadn’t thought he could. He said, “Go right ahead yourself, if you care to. Not for me, though. I don’t indulge in hot drinks.”
He sounded like an observant Jew politely declining the shrimp cocktail. There were parallels between Jews and Mormons; Mormons had a way of making more of them than Jews did. Flora shrugged. That wasn’t her worry, or she didn’t think it was. “It’s all right,” she said. “Tell me, Mr. Jordan, what do you think I can do for you that your own Congressman from Utah can’t?”
“It’s not what I think you can do, ma’am,” Jordan said earnestly. “It’s what Governor Young hopes you can do.” Heber Young, grandson of Brigham, had headed the Mormon church in Utah during the occupation after the Great War, when legally it did not exist. He was elected Governor the minute President Smith finally lifted military rule in the state. By all appearances, he could go on getting elected Governor till he died of old age, even if that didn’t ha
ppen for the next fifty years.
Patiently, Flora asked, “Well, what does Governor Young think I can do for him, then? He’s not my constituent, you know.”
Orson Jordan smiled at the joke, even though Flora had been kidding on the square. He said, “In a way, ma’am, he thinks he is one of your constituents. He says anyone who respects liberty is.”
“That’s . . . very kind of him, and of you,” Flora said. “Flattery will get you nowhere, though, or I hope it won’t. What does he want?”
“Well, ma’am, you’re bound to know Utah is a bit touchy about soldiers going through it or soldiers being stationed there. We’ve earned the right to be touchy, I’d say. I was only a boy when the last troubles happened, and I wouldn’t want my own children to have to worry about anything like that.”
“I believe you,” Flora said. When the Mormons rose during the Great War, they’d fought till they couldn’t fight any more. Plenty of boys no older than Orson Jordan would have been had died with guns in hand. The United States had triumphed in a purely Tacitean way: they’d made a desert and called it peace.
“All right, then,” Jordan said. He wore a somber, discreetly striped suit and a very plain maroon tie. A faint smell of soap wafted from him. So did a much stronger aura of sincerity. He meant everything he said. He was a citizen the United States would have been proud to have as their own—if he hadn’t continued, “Governor Young wants to make it real plain he can’t answer for what will happen if the United States keep on doing things like that. A lot of people there hate Philadelphia and everything it stands for. He’s been holding them back, but he isn’t King Canute. He can’t go on doing it forever. Frankly, he doesn’t want to go on doing it forever. We want what ought to be ours.”
“Should what you want be any different from what other Americans want?” Flora asked. “When you got military rule lifted, part of the reason you did was that you convinced people back here you were ordinary citizens.”
“We’re citizens, but we’re not ordinary citizens,” Jordan said. “We got hounded out of the USA. That’s why we went to Utah in the first place. It belonged to Mexico then. But the First Mexican War put us under the Stars and Stripes again—and the government started persecuting us again. Look at 1881. The oppression after that was what made us rise in 1915. Do you think we can trust the United States when they start going back on their solemn word?”
He still sounded earnest and sincere. Flora still had no doubt he meant every word he said, meant it from the bottom of his heart. She also had no doubt he didn’t have any idea how irritating he was to her. She said, “Another way you’re special is that you’re not conscripted. Shouldn’t you count your blessings?”
Orson Jordan shook his head. “No, ma’am. We want to be trusted to do our duty, like anybody else.”
She pointed a finger at him. “I’m afraid you can’t have that both ways, Mr. Jordan. You want to be trusted, but you don’t want to trust. If you don’t trust, you won’t be trusted. It’s as simple as that.”
The Mormon emissary looked troubled. “You may have a point there. I will discuss it with the Governor when I get back to Salt Lake—you can count on that. But we have been through so much, trust will not come easy. I wish I could say something different, but I can’t.”
“Learning to trust Mormons won’t come easy for the rest of the country, either,” Flora said. “As I told you, the knife cuts both ways.”
“Yes, you did say that.” Jordan gave no hint about what he thought of her comment. After a moment, he went on, “You will take my words to President Smith?”
“You can certainly trust me on that,” Flora said, and her guest gave her a surprisingly boyish smile. She continued, “He needs to hear what you just told me. I can’t promise what he’ll do about it. I can’t promise he’ll do anything about it. There is a war on, in case you hadn’t noticed.”
“I rather thought there might be.” So Jordan was capable of irony. That surprised Flora, too. She wouldn’t have guessed he had such depths. She wondered what else might be lurking down there below that bland exterior. Orson Jordan politely took his leave before she had the chance to find out.
When Flora phoned Powel House—the President’s Philadelphia residence—she thought at first that his aides were going to refuse to give her an appointment. That infuriated her. They both went back a lot of years in Socialist affairs in New York. But when she mentioned Heber Young’s name, hesitation vanished. If she had news about Mormons, Al Smith wasn’t unavailable any more.
She took a cab to Powel House. The driver had to detour several times to avoid bomb craters in the road. “Lousy Confederates,” he said. “I hope we blow them all to kingdom come.”
“Yes,” agreed Flora, who also hoped Confederate bombers wouldn’t come over Philadelphia by daylight, as they had a couple of times. They hadn’t been back in the daytime for almost two weeks, though; heavy antiaircraft fire and improved fighter coverage were making that too expensive. But air-raid sirens howled most nights, and people scrambled for shelters.
Presidents had spent more time in Powel House than in the White House since the Second Mexican War. Flora had spent much of four years there herself, when Hosea Blackford ran the country. Her mouth tightened. The country remembered her husband’s Presidency only for the economic collapse that had followed hard on the heels of his inauguration. He’d done everything he knew how to do to pull the USA out of it, but hadn’t had any luck. Calvin Coolidge had trounced him in 1932, and then died before taking office—whereupon Herbert Hoover had proved the Democrats didn’t know how to fix the economy, either.
Such gloomy reflections vanished from Flora’s mind when an aide led her up a splendid wooden staircase and into the office that had been her husband’s and now belonged to Al Smith. What replaced those reflections was something not far from shock. She hadn’t seen the President since he came to Congress to ask it to declare war on the CSA. If Smith hadn’t aged fifteen years in the month since then . . . he’d aged twenty.
He’d lost flesh. His face was shrunken and bloodless. By the bags under his eyes, he might not have slept since the war began. A situation map hung on the wall to one side of his battleship of a desk. The red pins stuck in the map showed Confederate forces farther north in Ohio than press or wireless admitted. Maybe that was why Smith hadn’t slept.
“How are you, Flora?” Even his voice, as full of New York City as Flora’s own, had lost strength. It didn’t show up on the wireless, where he had a microphone to help, but was all too obvious in person. “So what are these miserable Mormons trying to gouge out of us now?”
Had he been in other company, he might have asked what the Mormons were trying to jew out of the government. But Flora had met plenty of real anti-Semites, and knew Al Smith wasn’t one. And she had more urgent things to worry about anyhow. As dispassionately as she could, she summed up what Orson Jordan had told her.
“Nice of them,” the President said when she was through. “As long as we don’t try to get them to do what other Americans do or try to govern them at all, they’ll kindly consent to staying in the USA. But if we do try to do anything useful with them or with Utah, they’ll go up in smoke. Some bargain.” His wheezy laugh was bitter as wormwood.
“They . . . don’t like us any better than we like them,” Flora said carefully. “They . . . think they have good reason not to like us, or to trust us.”
“You know what? I don’t give a damn what they like or what they trust,” Al Smith said. “I let Jake Featherston take me for a ride, and the country’s paying for it now. I’ll take that shame to my grave. But if you think—if anybody thinks—I’ll let Heber Young take me for a ride, too, you’ve got another think coming.”
Was he reacting too strongly against the Governor of Utah because he hadn’t reacted strongly enough against the President of the Confederate States? Flora wouldn’t have been surprised. But that wasn’t something she could say. She did ask, “Are you all right, Mr
. President?”
“I’ll do,” Al Smith answered. “I’ll last as long as I last. If I break down in harness, Charlie LaFollette can do the job. It seems pretty plain, wouldn’t you say?” Except for a nod, Flora didn’t have any answer to that, either.
Every time Mary Pomeroy turned on the wireless, it was with fresh hope in her heart. She lived for the hourly news bulletins. Whenever the Yanks admitted losses, she felt like cheering. Whenever they didn’t, she assumed they were lying, covering up. The Confederates were bombing them in the East and pounding on them in the Midwest. Now you know how it feels, you murdering sons of bitches! she exulted.
The news on other fronts was good, too—good as far as she was concerned, that is. The Japanese were making menacing moves against the Sandwich Islands. The U.S.-held Bahamas were being bombed from Florida. In Europe, the German and Austro-Hungarian positions in the Ukraine seemed to be unraveling. Bulgaria wavered as a German ally—although she couldn’t waver too much, not with the Ottoman Turks on her southern border.
And the wireless kept saying things like, “All residents of Canada are urged to remain calm during the present state of emergency. Prompt and complete compliance with all official requests is required. Sabotage or subversive activity will be detected, rooted out, and punished with the utmost severity.”
Mary laughed whenever she listened to bulletins like those. If they weren’t cries of pain from the occupying authorities, she’d never heard any. And the more the Americans admitted they were in distress, the bigger the incentive the Canadians had to make that distress worse. Didn’t they?
If the bulletins didn’t do it, the way the Quebecois troops in Rosenfeld acted was liable to. The Americans, whatever else you could say about them, had behaved correctly most of the time. They’d known how to keep their hands to themselves, even if their eyes were known to wander. The Frenchies didn’t just look. They touched.
Settling Accounts Return Engagement: Book One of the Settling Accounts Trilogy Page 23
