I was saved by my favourite source for the era. You see, there are three main sources to read on Commodus’ time: Cassius Dio, Herodian, and the Historia Augusta. The three rarely agree on anything, and trying to divine what actually happened from them is rather like doing three jigsaw puzzles where the pieces are mixed with no pictures to work from. Bad for historians… great for writers. Because we don’t have to stick to the agreed timeline if the sources are vague. We can build our tales using what works best. That being said, the main events in this book are all related in the sources. I am indebted to the excellent Bill Thayer’s translations of two of these works, and the superb Jona Lendering for the Herodian one.
The Historia Augusta is at best dubious in its credibility. Written over a century after the events it covers by several authors, it is often untrustworthy. And yet it cannot be ignored, for the very fact that sources on the time are so rare. The Historia Augusta says of these events (paraphrased into note form):
Commodus withdrew from public life and Perennis handled everything for him.
Perennis built himself a power base through this.
Perennis had many people executed and their estates impounded for fictitious crimes.
He dismissed senatorial commanders in Britain and replaced them with equestrians.
Because of the Britain trouble, he was declared an enemy of the state.
Perennis was given to the soldiers to be ‘torn to pieces’
You should be able to see echoes of all these events in the story you’ve just read, even though my tale doesn’t quite follow the same theme. Perennis is not the villain here.
Herodian’s treatment can be considered more trustworthy. Written by one man around 238 AD, at least its author was alive during the events he recounts. Herodian also condemns Perennis. Here’s what he says:
Perennis removed all opposition to him and the emperor.
He planned for imperium, securing command of the Illyrian army for his young sons.
He started to amass great wealth, while his sons swelled their forces quietly.
(Herodian then recounts the events of the philosopher’s denunciation on stage during the festival)
Soldiers visited Perennis’ son and retrieved coins bearing the prefect’s likeness.
The coins were taken as evidence to the emperor.
The emperor had Perennis beheaded at night.
The emperor summoned the man’s son to Rome but en route he was killed.
Once again, every facet of Herodian’s tale is reflected in my story, while not quite cleaving to this writer’s version of events.
And then we come to Cassius Dio. This work, written around 230AD should be the most credible. While Herodian had been a child during Commodus’ reign, Cassius Dio was in his 20s and 30s at the time. Indeed, to some events he relates, he claims to have been present. His should therefore be the most efficacious text. Here we go with his notes:
Commodus had many Romans killed and their estates impounded, including the Quintilli.
The Britons crossed Hadrian’s Wall. The ruthless Ulpius Marcellus was sent against them.
Perennis had been forced to manage many imperial affairs by the emperor’s laxity.
The army began to blame Perennis for any fault they could find.
The legions in Britain tried to raise Priscus as an emperor, failed and were rebuked.
The British commanders sent 1500 men to Rome, who denounced Perennis.
Cleander insisted to the emperor that the British commanders told the truth.
Perennis was given to those 1500 men and killed, along with wife and two sons.
Most importantly, for me, this paints Perennis is a good and rather unfortunate light. Cassius Dio even says of him (Bill Thayer’s translation):
“Thus Perennis was slain, though he deserved a far different fate, both on his own account and in the interest of the entire Roman empire, — except in so far as his ambition for office had made him chiefly responsible for the ruin of his colleague Paternus. For privately he never strove in the least for either fame or wealth, but lived a most incorruptible and temperate life; and as for Commodus and his imperial office, he guarded them in complete security.”
And this, flying in the face of Herodian and the HA, and in fact many historians’ accepted viewpoint, is what sold me on the idea of Perennis the good guy. But to build him up as an unknown quantity throughout much of the tale seemed important, too.
You might also note the discrepancies in his family. The number of sons varies, as well as their location. I came up with a solution that allowed for everything to work in concert. The mention of two sons building up the Illyrian army led me to select Pannonia as my location. The region of Illyricum included Dalmatia and Pannonia. Pannonia being Rufinus’ original battleground I couldn’t resist the option to take him home.
Indeed, there is obviously a great deal of retracing old steps in this tale, which gave me the opportunity to return to familiar sites from book 1 but present them in new ways. I am indebted to Prue Batten for a scene in her book Tobias, where the protagonists run along the aqueduct of Valens in Constantinople. I had been tearing out my hair wondering how a man could sneak into the Palatine until I recalled that scene and it gave me the answer. In fact, the sideline of research I went off on into the Aqua Claudia, the Arcus Neroniana, the Palatine water system and even ancient texts on Aqueducts took several days and fascinated me no end.
Rome, Vindobona, Carnuntum, Tibur and the Villa Hadriana are portrayed as authentically as I could manage, taking into account extant remains and known archaeology. Where possible, I have walked in Rufinus’ footsteps as often as possible.
Once again, I have included a frumentarius. They are a fascinating bunch, aren’t they? You might care to have a read of Nick Brown’s ‘Agent of Rome’ series to further experience their world. Nick’s character would probably have got on well with Rufinus had they not been half a century apart. Similarly, for reading on these events from a different angle (with a villainous Perennis – boo, hiss) Anthony Riches’ Empire books are very much worth a read.
This story is to some extent my ‘Empire Strikes Back’. I expect you get that. I felt there needed to be an exploration of what happened in the aftermath of the great events in book 1, and with his struggle, I think Rufinus has grown up a little. And now all events were resolved in this book. There was simply no way I could write the downfall of Perennis without involving Cleander and, unless I wrote a War and Peace that also covered the years to follow, the Cleander part of the story would have to go unfinished. So have the bad guys won this time? Well I guess that’s for you to decide, but I am savouring the thought of future events. Cleander now hovers like an evil spectre in the background of everything.
So here we are at the end of book 2 and, as promised in the title, we know now the Price of Treason. Rufinus is bound for Dacia with his horse, his dog, and a forceful woman at his side. Two other great names in Roman history await him there: Pescennius Niger and Clodius Albinus. Pompeianus is retreating into temporary hibernation for political reasons (this man remains one of my favourite figures from the era, by the way.) Cleander all but rules now in Rome with Rufinus’ younger brother in hostageship (a very traditional Roman thing). Gordianus rides for Carnuntum to control that huge army. And Cestius? Well he can remain in Rome to start unpicking the threads on Cleander.
There is much yet to write about. I hope you enjoyed this second volume and will continue onto the third, when the time comes. Thank you for reading.
Simon Turney, November 2015
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Praetorian: The Price of Treason Page 38
