About this time, I was asked by a nobleman what would satisfy the Americans. I answered that it might easily be comprised in a few Re’s:
Re -call your forces,
-store Castle William,
-pair the Damage done to Boston,
-peal your unconstitutional acts,
-nounce your pretensions to tax us,
-fund the duties you have extorted; after this
-quire, and
-ceive payment for the destroyed tea, with the voluntary grants of the colonies, and then
-joice in a happy
-conciliation.
On the morning of Feb. 20, it was currently and industriously reported all over the town that Lord North would that day make a motion in the House for healing all differences between Britain and America. The House was accordingly very full and the members full of expectation. At length a motion was made. My old proposition of giving up the regulating duties to the colonies was in part to be found in this motion, and many who knew nothing of that transaction, said it was the best part of the motion. Lord North’s motion stated in part, “forbear in respect of such province or colony, to levy any duties, tax or assessment, or to impose any further duty, tax or assessment, except only such duties as it may be expedient to impose for the regulation of commerce.” After a good deal of wild debate, they all agreed at length in voting it by a large majority.57
BAD WEATHER DOES NOT LAST ALWAYS IN ANY COUNTRY
It was during this time I wrote the following letter to my sister Jane Mecom of Boston:London, Feb. 26, 1775
Dear Sister,
I hope you continue well, as I do, thanks to God. Be of good courage. Bad weather does not last always in any country. Supposing it may be agreeable to you, I send you a head they make here and sell at the china shops.58 My love to your children, & to cousin Williams and family. I am ever
Your affectionate brother,
B FRANKLIN
I HEARD OF THE DEATH OF MY WIFE IN PHILADELPHIA
It was at this time in 1775 that I was inform’d of the loss of my old and faithful companion Debby. I received notice of her death from son William and Mr. Bache, who informed me that she was attacked by a paralytic stroke, and was released from a troublesome world three days later on the 17TH of December, without much pain. Everyday I become more sensible of the greatness of that loss, which cannot now be repair’d. Her death made it necessary for me to return home.
Hearing nothing from Lord Howe, I mention’d his silence occasionally to his sister, adding that I suppos’d it owing to his finding what he had propos’d to me [payment of the tea] was not likely to take place; and I wish’d her to desire him, if that was the case, to let me know it by a line, that I might be at liberty to take other measures. She did so as soon as he return’d from the country, where he had been for a day or two. I receiv’d from her a note from Lord Howe, who said he would like to see me as soon as possible. I met his Lordship at the hour appointed. He said that he had not seen me lately, as he expected daily to have something more material to say to me than had yet occurr’d, and hop’d that I would have call’d on Lord Hyde, as I had intimated I should do when I apprehended it might be useful, which he was sorry to find I had not done. I answer’d that since I had last seen his Lordship, I had heard of the death of my wife at Philadelphia, in whose hands I had left the care of my affairs there, and it was become necessary for me to return thither as soon as conveniently might be.
The next morning (March 1), I accordingly met early with Lord Hyde, who receiv’d me with his usual politeness. We talk’d over a great part of the dispute between the countries. I found him ready with all the newspaper and pamphlet topics, of the expense of settling our colonies, the protection afforded them, the heavy debt under which Britain labour’d, the equity of our contributing to its alleviation; that many people in England were no more represented than we were, yet all were tax’d and govern’d by Parliament, &c &c. I answer’d all, but with little effect. He had hop’d, he said, that Lord North’s motion would have been satisfactory, and ask’d what could be objected to in it. I reply’d that the terms of it were that we should grant money till Parliament had agreed we had given enough, without having the least share in judging of the propriety of the measures for which it was to be granted; that these grants were also to be made under a threat of exercising a claimed right of taxing us at pleasure, and compelling such taxes by an armed force, if we did not give till it should be thought we had given enough; that the proposition was similar to a highwayman who presents his pistol and hat at a coach window, demanding no specific sum, but if you will give all your money or what he is pleas’d to think sufficient, he will civilly omit putting his own hand into your pockets. If not, there is his pistol. Besides, a new dispute had now been raised by the Parliament’s pretending to a power of altering our charters and established laws, which was of still more importance to us than their claim of taxation, as it had set us all adrift, and left us without a privilege we could depend upon but at their pleasure. This was a situation we could not possibly be in. And thus ended this conversation.
WE WERE TREATED WITH THE UTMOST CONTEMPT
A little before I left London, being at the House of Lords to hear a debate in which Lord Camden was to speak, and who indeed spoke admirably on American affairs, I was much disgusted from the ministerial side by many base reflections on American courage, religion, understanding, &c. in which we were treated with the utmost contempt, as the lowest of mankind, and almost of a different species from the English of Britain; but particularly the American honesty was abused by some of the Lords, who asserted we were all knaves, and wanted only this dispute to avoid paying our debts; that if we had any sense of equity or justice, we should offer payment of the tea &c. I went home somewhat irritated and heated, and, partly to retort upon that nation, on the article of equity, I drew up a memorial to present to Lord Dartmouth before my departure to America; but when consulting my friend Mr. Walpole upon it, who was a member of the House of Commons, he looked at it and at me several times alternately, as if he apprehended me a little out of my senses. As I was in the hurry of packing up, I requested him to take the trouble of showing it to his neighbor Lord Camden, and asking his advice upon it, which he kindly undertook to do; and returned it to me, with a note, wherein Walpole stated his opinion that the memorial would endanger my life and exasperate the nation.
CONVERSATION EVERYWHERE TURNS UPON THE SUBJECT OF AMERICA
Mr. Walpole called at my house the next day, and hearing I was gone to the House of Lords, came there to me, and repeated more fully what was in his note, adding that it was thought my having no instructions directing me to deliver such a protest would make it appear still more unjustifiable, and be deemed a national affront. I had no desire to make matters worse, and being grown cooler, took the advice so kindly given me.
The day before I left London for America, I passed the time with Dr. Priestley in the London Coffee House, without any other company, and much of the time was employed reading American newspapers, especially accounts of the reception which the “Boston Port Bill”59 met with in America. In some places they were printed with a black border, and were cried about the streets under the title “a barbarous, cruel, bloody and inhuman murder.” The newspapers reported accounts of citizens shutting up their houses, and the obnoxious law being burned with great solemnity, similar to what was done in the time of the Stamp Act. Several newspapers were ornamented with a figure of a snake, exactly divided into thirteen parts, each inscribed with the initials of one of the colonies, and underneath the words join or die.60 As I read the addresses to the inhabitants of Boston, I dreaded a war with the mother country that could last ten years. I attempted to take every measure in my power to prevent a rupture between the two countries, but it was not to be, and tears wet my cheeks.
That evening I received a note from Dr. Fothergill, with some letters to his friends in Philadelphia. In that note he desired me to get those friends
and others together, and tell them of the negotiations, and assure them that the government’s attitude offered no hope of real conciliation. The doctor, in the course of his daily visits among the great in the practice of his profession, had full opportunity of being acquainted with their sentiments, the conversation every where at this time turning upon the subject of America. “Farewell,” he wrote, “and befriend this infant, growing empire with the utmost exertion of thy abilities, and no less philanthropy, both which are beyond my powers to express. A happy prosperous voyage!”
Chapter Four
Congress and the Declaration of Independence, 1775–76
I arrived at home on the evening of the 5TH of May, 1775, after a pleasant passage of 6 weeks, the weather constantly so moderate that a London wherry61 might have accompanied us all the way. I observed the warmth of the sea-water by Fahrenheit’s thermometer in crossing the gulf stream. The gulf stream is little known by European navigators, and yet of great consequence, since in going to America they often get into that stream and unknowingly stem it, whereby the ship is much retarded and the voyage lengthened enormously. A vessel from Europe to North America may shorten her passage by avoiding the stream, in which the thermometer is very useful; and a vessel from America to Europe may do the same by the same means of keeping in it. Thus, passages are generally shorter from America to Europe than from Europe to America. I published a chart of the gulf stream in French and English to acquaint them with this fact.62
I brought over a grandson with me, William Temple, and his father took him to Amboy in New Jersey, but to be returned to me in September to prosecute his studies in college. I found my daughter Sally and Mr. Bache well and in good health; my children affectionately dutiful and attentive to everything that might be agreeable to me; with three very promising grandsons, in whom I took great delight, the youngest boy, Will, like an infant Hercules, the strongest and stoutest child of his age I had ever seen. He had a little gun, marched with it, and whistled at the same time by way of fife. Were it not for our public troubles, my felicity would have been perfect.
NOTHING THOUGHT OF BUT ARMS
I found at my arrival all America, from one end of the 13 united provinces to the other, busily employed in learning the use of arms, all trade and business, building, improving, &c. being at a stand, and nothing thought of but arms. The attack upon the country people near Boston63 by the army had rous’d everybody, and exasperated the whole continent; the tradesmen of Philadelphia were in the field twice a day, at five in the morning, and six in the afternoon, disciplining with the utmost diligence, all being volunteers. We had three battalions, a troop of light horse, and a company of artillery, who made surprising progress. The same spirit appeared everywhere and the unanimity was amazing.
The Massachusetts governor call’d an assembly to propose Lord North’s pacific plan, but General Gage drew the sword, and the war commenced. It is said that he carried the sword in one hand, and the olive branch in the other; and it seemed he chose to give us a taste of the sword first. All America was exasperated by his conduct, and more firmly united than ever.
A DELEGATE TO CONGRESS
The next morning I was unanimously chosen by the General Assembly of Pennsylvania as a delegate for the Continental Congress. I was a member of the first Congress in Albany in 1754, and had proposed the first plan of union of the colonies. The new Congress met the next week, and the delegates were directed to consult together on the critical and alarming situation in the colonies and recommend the further measures of obtaining redress of American grievances with Great Britain. The numerous visits of old friends and the public business devoured all my time: we met at nine in the morning, and often sat till four. I was also upon a Committee of Safety, appointed by the Pennsylvania Assembly to put the province in a state of defense, which met at six in the morning. The members attended closely without being bribed to it, by either salary, place or pension, or the hope of any; which I mention for reflection on the difference between a virtuous people who have public spirit and an old corrupt one, who have not so much as an idea that such a thing exists in nature. There was not a dissenting voice among us in any resolution for defense, and our Army which was already formed would soon consist of above 20,000 men.
THEY ARE A BARBAROUS TYRANNY
The Congress met at a time when all minds were exasperated by the perfidy of General Gage, and his attack on the country people, the burning of houses, and our seaport towns, and other treacherous conduct. Without the least necessity, they barbarously plundered and burnt a fine, undefended town, opposite to Boston, called Charlestown, consisting of about 400 houses, many of them elegantly built; some sick, aged and decrepit poor persons, who could not be carried off in time, perish’d in the flames. In all our wars, from our first settlement in America to the present time, we never received so much damage from the Indian savages, as in this one day from these. In this ministerial war against us, all Europe was conjur’d not to sell us arms or ammunition, that we would be found defenseless, and more easily murdered. The humane Sir W. Draper, who had been hospitably entertain’d in every one of our colonies, proposed, in his papers call’d the Traveller, to excite the domestic slaves to cut their master’s throats. Dr. Johnson, a court pensioner, in his Taxation no Tyranny64 adopted and recommended that measure, together with another of hiring the Indian savages to assassinate our planters in the back settlements. These are by no means acts of a legitimate government: they are acts of barbarous tyranny and dissolve all allegiance.
MAKE YOURSELF SHEEP AND THE WOLVES WILL EAT YOU
Thus, propositions from Britain attempting an accommodation were not much relished; and it was with difficulty that we carried another humble petition to the crown, to give Britain one more chance, one opportunity of recovering the friendship of the colonies; which however she did not have sense enough to embrace, and thus had lost them forever. We were preparing and determined to run all risks rather than comply with her mad demands. As Britain began to use force, it seemed absolutely necessary that we should be prepared to repel force with force. It is a true old saying that make yourself sheep and the wolves will eat you: to which I may add another, God helps them that help themselves. The General was secure, I suppose, that we would never be able to return the outrage in kind; but the defeat of a great body of his troops by the country people at Lexington, and the action at Bunker’s Hill, in which they were twice repulsed, and the third time gained a dear victory, was enough to convince the ministers that the Americans can fight, and that this was a harder nut to crack than they imagined. Britain, at the expense of three millions, killed 150 Yankees in this campaign, which is £20,000 a head; and at Bunker’s Hill she gained a mile of ground, half of which she lost again by our taking post on Ploughed Hill. During the same time 60,000 children were born in America. From these data his mathematical head could easily calculate the time and expense necessary to kill us all, and conquer our whole territory.
YOU ARE NOW MY ENEMY, AND I AM . . . YOURS
I addressed (but never sent) the following letter to Mr. Strahan:Philada. July 5, 1775
Mr. Strahan,
You are a member of Parliament, and one of that majority which has doomed my country to destruction. You have begun to burn our towns, and murder our people. Look upon your hands! They are stained with the blood of your relations! You and I were long friends: You are now my enemy, and
I am,
Yours,
B FRANKLIN
If a temperament naturally cool and phlegmatic can, in old age, be thus heated, you will judge by that of the general temper in America, which was little short of madness.
Franklin’s famous letter to William Strahan was shown to friends in Philadelphia but never sent.
Great frugality and great industry became fashionable: Gentlemen who used to entertain with two or three courses began to pride themselves in treating with simple beef and pudding. By these means, and the stoppage of our consumptive trade with Britain, we
were better able to pay our voluntary taxes for the support of our troops. Our savings in the article of trade amounted to nearly five million sterling per annum.
On July 21, 1775 my proposed sketch of the Articles of Confederation and perpetual union for the United Colonies of North America was read before Congress, the purpose of which was to bind themselves for their common defense and the security of their liberties and properties, the safety of their persons and families, and their mutual and general welfare.65
The Congress adjourned on August 2ND to the 5TH of September, which allowed me to settle a new general post office, having been chosen Postmaster General of the United Colonies of North America, and a treaty to be held with the Indians on the Ohio, besides smaller businesses, all to be transacted by the time the Congress was to meet again. They voted me 1,000 dollars per annum as Postmaster General, and I devoted the whole sum to the assistance of the disabled in defense of their country, that I might not be suspected to have the least interested motive for keeping the breach open. I obtained from our Committee of Safety a permission to send to Boston what powder remain’d in our hands. I dispatched a wagon with 2,400 lb. weight, there being at this time an extreme scarcity of lead in Pennsylvania.
The Compleated Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin (1757-1790) Page 12
