The Congress, after mature deliberation, voted unanimously for final separation from Great Britain. It was the universal demand of the people, justly exasperated by the obstinate perseverance of the Crown in its tyrannical and destructive measures. We signed the Declaration of Independence, thereby hazarding our lives and fortunes, and then distributed the Declaration for public reading, and sent copies to France and other courts of Europe.
BREAKING THAT FINE AND NOBLE CHINA VASE, THE BRITISH EMPIRE
It was impossible to think of submission to a government that had, with the most wanton barbarity and cruelty, burnt our defenseless towns in the midst of winter, excited the savages to massacre our farmers, and our slaves to murder their masters, and brought foreign mercenaries to deluge our settlements with blood. These atrocious injuries extinguished every remaining spark of affection for that parent country we once held so dear. Long had I endeavoured with unfeigned and unwearied zeal, to preserve from breaking that fine and noble China vase, the British Empire: for I knew that once broken, the separate parts could not retain even their share of strength or value that existed in the whole, and that a perfect reunion of those parts could scarce even be hoped for. I remember the tears of joy that wet my cheek, when, at his good sister’s in London, Lord Howe once gave me expectations that a reconciliation might take place. I had the misfortune to find those expectations disappointed, and to be treated as the cause of the mischief I was labouring to prevent. My consolation under that groundless and malevolent treatment was, that I retained the friendship of many wise and good men in that country.
MEETING WITH LORD HOWE ON STATEN ISLAND
Upon arrival in New York, Lord Howe contacted me to effect a lasting peace and reunion between the two countries. In obedience to the order of Congress, I, along with John Adams and Edward Rutledge, had a meeting with Lord Howe upon Staten Island. His lordship entered into a discourse of considerable length which contained no explicit proposition of peace except that the colonies should return to their allegiance and obedience to the government. Lord Howe informed us that he did not have powers to consider the colonies as independent states by their Declaration of Independency; that he could not confer with them as a Congress, their not being acknowledged by the King; and that his powers were generally to restore peace and grant pardons, and to attend to complaints and representations. I reply’d that America lamented that earlier petitions to the crown had not been accepted. But the contempt with which those petitions were treated, and the cruel measures since taken, had chang’d that temper; that to propose now to the colonies a submission to the Crown of Great Britain would be fruitless. The time was past. Lord Howe said that if the colonies would not give up the system of independency, it was impossible for him to enter into any negotiations.
I wrote the following letter to Lord Howe, which ends as follows:To the Honorable Lord Howe
Philada. July 20TH, 1776.
My Lord,
The well founded esteem, and permit me to say affection, which I shall always have for your Lordship, makes it painful to me to see you engag’d in conducting a war against us. I consider this war against us both unjust and unwise; and I am persuaded cool dispassionate posterity will condemn to infamy those who advised it; and that even success will not save from some degree of dishonour, those who voluntarily engag’d to conduct it. I know your great motive in coming hither was the hope of being instrumental in a reconciliation; and I believe when you find that impossible on any terms given you to propose, you will relinquish so odious a command, and return to a more honourable private station. With the greatest and most sincere respect I have the honour to be, my Lord your Lordships most obedient humble servant
B FRANKLIN
REBELLION TO TYRANTS IS OBEDIENCE TO GOD
On July 4TH I had been appointed to a committee, along with Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, to design the great seal of the United States. I urg’d the following to be adopted: Moses standing on the shore, and extending his hand over the sea, thereby causing the same to overwhelm Pharaoh who is sitting in an open chariot, a crown on his head and a sword in his hand. Rays from a pillar of fire in the clouds reach to Moses, to express that he acts by command of the Deity. Motto, Rebellion to tyrants is obedience to God.69
LIKE CUTTING OFF THE SPRING FROM THE YEAR
At this time, Temple proposed to go to his father, William, then governor of New Jersey. As my son William adhered to the party of the King, his people had taken him prisoner, and sent him under a guard to Connecticut, where he continued but was allow’d a district of some miles to ride about, upon his parole of honour not to quit that country. However, I could not approve of Temple taking such a journey, on account of the length of the journey, his youth and inexperience, and the number of sick returning on that road with the infectious camp distemper,70 which made the beds unsafe, together with the loss of time in his studies. I told Billy that he should return to his studies at college; that this was the time of life in which he was to lay the foundations of his future improvement, and his importance among men, and that if this season was neglected, it would be like cutting off the spring from the year.
Nothing has ever hurt me so much and affected me with such keen sensations, as to find myself deserted in my old age by my only son, William; and not only deserted, but to find him taking up arms against me in a cause where my good fame, fortune and life were all at stake. William conceived, he said, that his duty to his king and regard for his country requir’d this. I ought not to blame him for differing in sentiment with me in public affairs. We are men, all subject to errors. Our opinions are not in our power; they are form’d and govern’d much by circumstances that are often as inexplicable as they are irresistible. His situation was such that few would have censured his remaining neutral, tho’ there are natural duties which precede political ones, and cannot be extinguish’d by them. This is a disagreeable subject. I drop it.
The several colonies approv’d and confirm’d the Declaration of Independence, and form’d their separate constitutions as independent states.71 A general confederation was also plann’d by the Congress whereby, for general purposes and the common defense, the power of the whole was united in that body. In August, however, I drew up a paper as President of the Convention of Pennsylvania in protest of the 17TH article in the first draft of the Articles of Confederation, which gives one vote to the smallest state, and no more to the largest, when the difference between them may be as 10 to 1, or greater. On behalf of the representatives of the state of Pennsylvania, I declared dissent to this article, which we regarded as unjust and injurious to the larger states, since all of them are by other articles obliged to contribute in proportion to their respective abilities. Votes in Congress should be proportion’d to the importance of each state. However, I was dissuaded from endeavoring to carry through this protest, from some prudential considerations respecting the necessary union at that time of all the states in confederation.
IT WAS LONG FORESEEN THAT WE COULD NOT HOLD NEW YORK
The Declaration of Independence was met with universal approbation, and the people everywhere seemed more animated by it in defense of their country. In the different colonies we had nearly 80,000 men in the pay of the Congress. General Washington’s army was in possession of New York, but by August 1776, General William Howe had posted on Staten Island, with the troops he carried to Halifax when he was driven out of Boston. Lord Richard Howe arrived there with some reinforcements, including the Hessian mercenaries from Germany. The greater part of our militia were in New Jersey, and arms and ammunitions were arriving daily, the French government having resolv’d to wink at the supplying of us, as they heartily wished us success.
The fleet under Lord Howe was vastly superiour to anything we had in the Navy way; therefore it was long foreseen that we could not hold either Long Island or New York. They landed 20,000 men or upwards on Long Island, and we had our army consisting of not more than 20,000 effective men stationed at King’s Brid
ge, New York, and on Long Island. They, however, out general’d us and got a body of 5,000 men between our people and the lines, so that we were surrounded and came off second best; but they purchased the victory dear and such would be their ruin. General Howe then laid a trap, with which he fully expected to have caught every man we had on that island; but General Washington saw and frustrated his design by an unexpected and well conducted retreat across the Sound. This retreat was spoken of on both sides as a master stroke.
It had been previously determined to abandon New York, and most of our cannon and military stores were removed from thence in time. The enemy took possession of the city and encamped on the plains of Harlem. Since then the City of New York was set on fire and one fifth or one sixth of it reduced to ashes. They endeavoured to throw the odium of such a measure on us, but in this they failed, for General Washington, previous to the evaluation of that city, desired to know the sense of Congress, which resolved that it should be evacuated and left unhurt as they had no doubt of being able to take it back at a future date. This would convince all the world we had no desire to burn towns or destroy cities but that we left such meritorious works to grace the history of our enemies. Upon the whole our army near New York were not sufficiently strong to cope with General Howe in the open field; they therefore entrenched themselves and acted on the defensive. Men cannot cheerfully enter a service where they have the prospect of facing a powerful enemy and encountering the inclemencies of a hard, cold winter, without covering at the same time. These were discouraging circumstances but we had to encounter them with double diligence.
The only source of uneasiness among us arose from the number of Tories found in every state. They were more numerous than formerly and spoke more openly, very many from fear of the British force, some because they were dissatisfied with the general measures of Congress, more because they disapproved of the men in power and the measures in their respective states; but these different passions, views and expectations were so combined in their consequences that if America had fallen it would have been owing to such divisions more than to the force of our enemies.
COMMISSIONER TO FRANCE
In September, the Congress appointed me, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee72 commissioners of the United States of America to the King of France, and to deliver a plan of a treaty. I told my friend and delegate Benjamin Rush that I had only a few years to live and I was resolved to devote them to the work that my fellow citizens deemed proper for me; or speaking as old-clothes dealers do of a remnant of good, You shall have me for what you please.
Our appointment on this business remained a profound secret, and we were instructed to take passage to France with all speed. The Congress ordered the Secret Committee to lodge ten thousand pounds sterling in France, subject to the drafts or orders of the commissioners for their support. We believ’d that if France were to join us, there would be no danger but America would soon be established an independent empire and France, drawing from her the principal part of those sources of wealth and power that formerly flowed into Great Britain, would immediately become the greatest power in Europe. We were instructed to obtain from the French a recognition of our independency and sovereignty; to conclude treaties of peace and commerce; to prevent their taking part with Great Britain in the war; and to procure from the Court of France an immediate supply of twenty or thirty thousand muskets and bayonets, a large supply of ammunition, and either by purchase or loan eight line of battle ships of 74 and 64 guns, well manned, and fitted in every respect for service.
Before my departure, I ordered all the money I could raise, upward of three thousand pounds, into the hands of Congress. It was the first or nearly the first loan they received, which encouraged others to lend their money in support of the cause.
The arrest of William Franklin: “The only source of uneasiness among us arose from the number of Tories found in every state.”
Being once more order’d to Europe, and about to embark on the 25TH of October, 1776, I wrote Rev. Samuel Cooper of Boston that I had no doubt of our finally succeeding in this war by the blessing of God. It was computed that we had already taken a million sterling from the enemy, and they must soon sicken of their piratical project. Nothing would give us greater weight and importance in the eyes of the commercial states than a conviction that we might annoy on occasion their trade and carry our prizes into safe harbors; and whatever expense we were at in fortifying would soon be repaid by the encouragement and success of privateering.
A MIRACLE IN HUMAN AFFAIRS
The manner in which the whole of this business had been conducted was such a miracle in human affairs, that if I had not been in the midst of it, and seen all the movements, I could not have comprehended how it was effected. To comprehend it we must view a whole people for some months without any laws or government at all. In this state their civil governments were to be formed and an army and navy were to be provided by those who had neither a ship of war, a company of soldiers, nor magazines, arms, artillery or ammunition. Alliances were to be formed, for we had none. All this was to be done, not at leisure nor in a time of tranquility and communication with other nations, but in the face of a most formidable invasion, by the most powerful nation, fully provided with armies, fleets, and all the instruments of destruction, powerfully allied and aided, the commerce with other nations in a great measure stopped up, and every power from whom they could expect to procure arms, artillery, and ammunition, having by the influence of their enemies forbade their subjects to supply them on any pretence whatever. Nor was this all; they had internal opposition to encounter, which alone would seem sufficient to have frustrated all their efforts. The Scotch, who in many places were numerous, were secret or open foes as opportunity offered. The Quakers, a powerful body in Pennsylvania, gave every opposition that their art, abilities and influence could suggest. To these were added all those who, through contrariety of opinion, Tory principles, personal animosities, fear of so dreadful and dubious an undertaking, joined with the artful promises and threats of the enemy or lukewarm friends to the proposed revolution.
It was, however, formed and established in spite of all these obstacles, with an expedition, energy, wisdom, and success of which most certainly the whole history of human affairs has not, hitherto, given an example. To account for it we must remember that the revolution was not directed by the leaders of factions, but by the opinion and voice of the majority of the people; and that the grounds and principles upon which it was formed were known, weighed and approved by every individual of that majority. It was not a tumultuous resolution, but a deliberate system. Consequently, the feebleness, irresolution, and inaction which generally—nay, almost invariably—attends and frustrates hasty popular proceedings, did not influence this. On the contrary, every man gave his assistance to execute what he had soberly determined, and the sense of the magnitude and danger of the undertaking served only to quicken their activity, arouse their resources, and animate their exertions. Those who acted in council bestowed their whole thoughts upon the public; those who took the field did so, with what weapons, ammunition and accommodation they could procure.
In commerce, such profits were offered as tempted the individuals of almost all nations, to break through the prohibition of their governments, and furnish arms and ammunition, for which they received from a people ready to sacrifice every thing to the common cause, a thousand fold. The effects of anarchy were prevented by the influence of public shame, pursuing the man who offered to take a dishonest advantage of the want of law. So little was the effects of this situation felt, that a gentleman, who thought their deliberations on the establishment of a form of government too slow, gave it as his opinion that the people were likely to find out that laws were not necessary, and might therefore be disposed to reject what they proposed, if it were delayed.
THE GREATEST REVOLUTION THE WORLD HAS EVER SEEN
The consequence was, that in a few months, the governments were established; codes of law were fo
rmed, which for wisdom and justice, were the admiration of all the wise and thinking men of Europe. Ships of war were built and a multitude of cruisers was fitted out, which did more injury to the British commerce than it ever suffered before. Armies of offense and defense were formed, and kept the field, through all the rigours of winter, in the most rigorous climate. Repeated losses, inevitable in a defensive war, quickly repaired them. The enemy was everywhere resisted, repulsed, or besieged. On the ocean, in the channel, in their very ports, their ships were taken, and their commerce obstructed.
This is the greatest revolution the world has ever seen, and the power that has for centuries made all Europe tremble, assisted by 20,000 German mercenaries, and favoured by the universal concurrence of Europe to prohibit the sale of warlike stores, the sale of prizes, or the admission of the armed vessels of America, have effectually been humbled by those whom she insulted and injured, because she conceived they had neither spirit nor power to resist or revenge it.
The Compleated Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin (1757-1790) Page 14
