The French fleet was nearly ready and would be much superior to the English when join’d with that of Spain, which was preparing with all diligence. The tone of the Court had accordingly risen. It was said that when the British ambassador Stormont intimated to the minister of France that if the Americans were permitted to continue drawing supplies of arms &c. from that kingdom, the peace could not last much longer, he was firmly answer’d, Nous ne desirons pas la guerre, et nos ne le craignons pas. “We neither desire war, nor fear it.” It was the universal opinion that the peace could not continue another year. Every nation in Europe wished to see Britain humbled, having all in their turns been offended by her insolence, which in prosperity she was apt to discover on all occasions.
WE WILL MOST CHEERFULLY RISK OUR PERSONAL LIBERTY OR LIFE
In early 1777, we received general alarming accounts of successes of the English against our country, and authentic intelligence from England that eight thousand men, chiefly Germans, under the command of General Burgoyne, were to be sent early in the spring to America, and to be employed with some ships of war in the invasion of Virginia and Maryland. We therefore submitted this critical situation of our country to the courts of France and Spain, in hopes that they would conclude a treaty of amity and commerce with our states, and enter into a war with Great Britain. Having reason to believe that one of us might be useful in Madrid, and another in Holland, and some courts farther northward, we agreed that Mr. Lee would go to Spain, and Mr. Deane to the Hague. It was further considered that in the present peril of the liberties of our country, it was our duty to hazard everything in their support and defense. Therefore as American commissioners we resolv’d unanimously:Resolution of the Commissioners
Paris, Feby. 5th 1777
If it should be necessary for the attainment of anything, in our best judgment, material to the defense and support of the public cause, we should pledge our persons, or hazard the censure of the Congress by exceeding our instructions; we will, for such purpose most cheerfully risk our personal liberty or life.
B FRANKLIN
SILAS DEANE
ARTHUR LEE
All Europe was on our side of the question, as far as applause and good wishes could carry them; those who live under arbitrary power do nevertheless approve of liberty, and wish for it. They almost despaired of recovering it in Europe; they read the translations of our separate colony constitutions with rapture, and there were such numbers everywhere who talked of removing to America with their families and fortunes as soon as peace and our independence were established, that ’twas generally believed we should have a prodigious addition of strength, wealth and arts from the emigrations of Europe, and ’twas thought that to lessen or prevent such emigrations, the tyrannies established in Europe must relax and allow more liberty to their people.
COMMERCE WITH EVERY NATION; WAR WITH NONE
Mr. Hartley, a member of the British Parliament and an old acquaintance of mine, arrived from London in April, 1778. He was generally in the opposition, especially on American issues, but had some respect for Lord North. In conversation, he express’d the strongest anxiety for peace with America, and appear’d extremely desirous to know my sentiments of the terms which might probably be accept’d if offer’d; whether America would not, to obtain peace, grant some superior advantage in trade to Britain and enter into an alliance, offensive or defensive; and whether, if war were to be declared against France, we had oblig’d ourselves by treaty to join with her against England. My answers were that the United States was not fond of war, and with the advice of their friends would probably be easily prevailed with to make peace on equitable terms; but we had no terms committed to us to propose, and I did not choose to mention any; that Britain, having injur’d us heavily by making this unjust war upon us, might think herself well off if on reparation of those injuries we admitted her to equal advantages with other nations in commerce, but certainly she had no reason to expect superior; that her known fondness for war, and the many instances of her readiness to engage in wars on frivolous occasions, were probably sufficient to cause an immediate rejection of every proposition for an offensive alliance with her; and that, if she made war against France on our account, a peace with us, at the same time, was impossible; for that, having met with friendship from that generous nation when we were cruelly oppos’d by England, we were under ties stronger than treaties could form, to make common cause, which we would certainly do to the utmost of our power.
In sum: The system of America is universal commerce with every nation; war with none.
OUR PRISONERS COMPLAIN’D OF VERY SEVERE TREATMENT
I inform’d Mr. Hartley that our prisoners in English jails complain’d of very severe treatment, contrary to every rule of war among civilized nations. Far from friends and families, and with winter coming on, they suffered extremely, were fed scantily on bad provisions, and were without warm lodging, clothes or fire; and not suffer’d to write to or receive visits from their friends, or even from the humane and charitable among their enemies. We received accounts from the mill prison in Plymouth that our people were not allow’d the use of pen and ink, nor the sight of newspapers, nor the conversation of friends. I assur’d Mr. Hartley that prisoners in America were treated with great kindness, and were serv’d with the same rations of wholesome provisions with our troops; comfortable lodgings were provided for them, and they were allowed large bounds of villages in a healthy air, to walk and amuse themselves in upon their parole. I petition’d him, and later Lord North, to find a trusty, humane, discreet person who would undertake to distribute what relief we could afford to those unhappy brave men, martyrs to the cause of liberty. I received reports later from Mr. Hartley of his efforts to relieve our poor captives, and a Rev. Wrens for his benevolent conduct.
Meanwhile, we had in France above two hundred prisoners, captur’d by John Paul Jones, who were confin’d in the Drake, where they must be kept, as we did not have the use of prisons on shore. Later we obtained permission to make use of French prisons for British captives, and they were ordered on shore. I wrote to England about the exchange of our prisoners with the 500 prisoners they held in England.
Our first applications for exchanging prisoners were haughtily rejected. The prisoners were at that time consider’d rebels, committed for high treason, who could only be delivered by course of law. We then did everything in our power to make their situation as comfortable as possible. Thanks to the indefatigable endeavours of Mr. Hartley, by long solicitation we obtain’d an agreement of the Lords of the Admiralty to an exchange of man for man, and the pass required for a cartel ship to bring over as many as we had in France to give in return, was sent to England. But the execution was long delay’d. Mr. Hartley mentioned “that the alliance between France and America is the great stumbling block in the way of making peace,” and the affair was dropped, and many of those unfortunate people suffered greatly. Afterwards, I felt we had no kind of faith in the British government, which appeared to us as insidious and deceitful as it was unjust and cruel. Its character was that of the Spider, in Thomson,81 cunning and fierce; mixture abhorr’d!!
It appeared that Mr. Hartley had been deceived as well as we. It became evident that the delays had been of design, to give more opportunity of seducing the men by promises and hardships, to seek their liberty in engaging against their country. We learned from those who had escaped that there were persons continually employed in cajoling and menacing them, representing to them that we had neglected them; that the British government was willing to exchange them, and that it was our fault it was not done; that all the news from America was bad on their side; that we would be conquer’d and they would be hang’d if they did not accept the gracious offer of being pardon’d on condition of serving the King, &c.
The exchange of prisoners was finally begun in April 1779, when I was glad to hear of the arrival of the American prisoners from England. The ship employ’d brought us one cargo from the prison at Plymouth. The
number was intended for an hundred, but proved 97. And she was returned with as many in exchange, to bring us a second number from the prison at Portsmouth. By agreement this was to continue’till all were exchanged. The Americans were chiefly engaged with Capts. Jones and Landais. This exchange was all the more remarkable, as our people were all committed as for high treason.
I wished it had been in my power to relieve all the wants and even to gratify the wishes of prisoners, who suffered in the cause of their country. But there were limits to everything, and the frequent intercepting of our supplies from the Congress by the British cruisers very much narrow’d the limits in this case. As to those remaining in prison, who wrote for ten guineas a piece to be sent them to enable them to escape, the request, if it were reasonable, was not practicable ; the number would make the sum enormous. The scantiness of our funds and the multitude of demands prevented it.
The English conduct with regard to the exchange of prisoners continued very unjust. After long suspense, and affected delays for the purpose of wearing out our poor people, they finally refused to deliver us a man in exchange for those set at liberty by our cruisers on parole. There was no gaining anything upon those barbarians by advances of civility or humanity.
TO ME IT SEEMED ALL ALONG THAT THIS WAR WOULD END IN OUR FAVOUR
I believe in my conscience that mankind are wicked enough to continue slaughtering one another as long as they can find money to pay the butchers. But of all the wars in my time, in this one the part of England appeared to me the wickedest, having no cause but malice against liberty, and the jealousy of commerce. And I think the crime seemed likely to meet with its proper punishment: a total loss of her own liberty and the destruction of her own commerce. As to the state of affairs in America, I was of the opinion that we would be much stronger the next campaign than we were in the last; better arm’d, better disciplin’d, and with more ammunition. When I was at the camp before Boston, the army had not 5 rounds of powder a man. This was kept a secret even from our people. The world wonder’d that we so seldom fir’d a cannon. We could not afford it. But we soon made powder in plenty.
I continued amazingly well and hearty for my age, although I occasionally suffered from the gout, and always hoped to live to see the end of these troubles, and our country establish’d in freedom, when it would become great and glorious, by being the asylum of all the oppress’d in Europe, and the resort of the wealthy who love liberty from all parts of the continent to establish themselves and their families among us. To me it seemed all along that this war would end in our favour, and in the ruin of Britain. An English gentleman, one day in company with some French, remark’d that it was folly in France not to make war immediately; And in England, reply’d one of them, not to make peace.
THE FLAG CONSISTS OF THIRTEEN STRIPES, ALTERNATELY RED, WHITE AND BLUE
It was with pleasure that we acquainted the European governments with the flag of the United States of America, which consists of thirteen stripes, alternately red, white and blue—a small square in the upper angle next to the flagstaff is a blue field, with thirteen white stars, denoting a new constellation. Some of the states had vessels of war carrying flags distinct from those of the United States. For example, the vessels of war of the state of Massachusetts Bay had sometimes a pine tree, and South Carolina a rattlesnake in the middle of the thirteen stripes. Merchant ships had often only thirteen stripes. But the flag of the United States ordained by Congress is the thirteen stripes and thirteen stars as first described.
ABOUT SPIES AND SAFETY
Before his leaving, Mr. Hartley warn’d me to take care of my own safety. Events are uncertain, and men may be capricious, said he; but, having nearly finish’d a long life, I set but little value on what remained of it. Like a draper, when one chaffers with him for a remnant, I am ready to say: “As it is only the fag-end, I will not differ with you about it; take it for what you please.” Perhaps the best use such an odd fellow can be put to is to make a martyr of him.
Mr. Hartley also warn’d me of French spies, to which I responded that I did not care how many spies were placed around me by the French Court, having nothing to conceal from them. I have long observ’d one rule which prevents any inconvenience from pretended friends or spies; it is simply this: to be concern’d in no affairs that I should blush to have made public; and to do nothing but what spies may see and welcome. When a man’s actions are just and honourable, the more they are known, the more his reputation is increas’d and establish’d. If I was sure, therefore, that my valet de place was a spy (as probably he was), I think I would not discharge him for that, if in other respects I lik’d him.
WE WERE IN IMMINENT DANGER OF BANKRUPTCY
In financial matters, the total failure of remittances from the Congress for a long time embarrass’d us exceedingly; the contracts we enter’d into for clothing and arms in expectation of those remittances and which were now beginning to call for payment, distressed us much and we were in imminent danger of bankruptcy. We stated the difficulties of our situation to both the French and Spanish courts, and waited with patience the answer. In the mean time they gave us fresh assurances of their good will to our cause, and we received a fourth sum of 500,000 livres. We were continually charge’d to keep the aids a dead secret even from the Congress, where they supposed England had some intelligence; but we felt obliged to dispense with this injunction.
We were much troubled with complaints of our armed vessels taking the ships and merchandise of neutral nations. From Holland they complained of the taking of the sloop Chester by two privateers of Charlestown, called the Fair American and the Experiment; from Cadiz of the taking of the French ship Fortune by the Civil Usage privateer, having on board Spanish property; and in Paris of the taking of the Empereur of Germany. We requested that upon fair trials, speedy justice be done and restitution made to the reclaimers. It was of the utmost consequence to our affairs in Europe that we should wipe off the aspirations of our enemies who proclaimed us everywhere as pirates, and endeavoured to excite all the world against us.
A SURPRISE VICTORY AT SARATOGA
On December 4, 1777, a Mr. Austin arriv’d from Nantes with dispatches from Boston. I asked hastily, “Sir, is Philadelphia taken?”
“Yes sir,” he replied.
I started to return to the hotel,82 when he continu’d, “But, sir, I have greater news than that. General Burgoyne and his whole army are prisoners of war!”
We immediately issued a public announcement, and the effect was electrical thro’ France. This exceedingly great news of General Burgoyne’s defeat occasion’d as much general joy in France as if it had been a victory of their own troops over their own enemies. I communicated immediately to M. Vergennes of the total reduction of the force under General Burgoyne, himself and his whole army having surrendered themselves prisoners; that Gen. Howe was in possession of Philadelphia, and that Washington’s army was in huts to the westward of Schuylkill,83 refreshing and recruiting during the winter in an attempt to expel Howe. We proposed the conclusion of the long-postponed treaty at this time would have the most happy effect in raising the credit of the United States at home, and discouraging their enemies.
ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE IN 1778
Within several weeks, we had succeed’d in our negotiations for the completion of two treaties with France: the one of amity and commerce, on the plan of that projected in Congress, with some good additions ; and the other of alliance for mutual defense, in which the King of France agreed to make a common cause with the United States, if England attempted to obstruct the commerce of his subjects with them. The treaties guaranteed to the United States their liberties, sovereignty, and independence, absolute and unlimited, with the possessions they had, or might have at the conclusion of the war; and the States in return guaranteed to the King his perfect equality and reciprocity, with no advantage being demanded by France, or privileges in commerce, which the States might not grant to any and every other nation. There was a s
eparate and secret clause by which Spain was to be received into the Alliance, tho’ long delayed.
The treaties were signed by the plenipotentiaries on both sides on February 6, 1778, but were kept secret until published and forwarded to Congress. The King treated us generously and magnanimously, taking no advantage of our present difficulties to exact terms which we would not have willingly granted when established in prosperity and power. I might add that he acted wisely in wishing that the friendship contracted by these treaties might be durable. I advis’d our people in all parts of America to cultivate a friendship with the French people, and used every means to remove ancient prejudices.
On the occasion of the signing of the treaty, I put on the same coat I wore the day Wedderburn abused me at Whitehall. When Mr. Deane asked why, I responded: “To give it a little revenge.”
Several of our American ships, laden with supplies for our armies, sailed under the convoy of a strong French squadron. England was in great consternation, and their minister Lord North, on the 17TH of that month, confessed in a long speech that all his measures had been wrong and that peace was necessary, and proposed two bills for quieting America; but they were full of artifice and deceit.
The Compleated Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin (1757-1790) Page 16
