Mr. Jay wrote me from time to time of the unaccountable delays he had met with since his residence at the court of Spain, and that he was now no nearer in the business he had been charg’d with than when he had first arriv’d. Upon the first coming of Mr. Oswald, and the apparent prospect of a treaty, I had written to press Mr. Jay’s coming to Paris; and being a little out of humour with the Spanish court, I said as they had already taken four years to consider whether they should treat with us, give them forty, and let us mind our own business.
It seemed to me that we had, in most instances, hurt our credit and importance by sending all over Europe begging alliances, and soliciting declarations of our independence. From this action the nations perhaps seemed to think that our independence was something which they had to sell, and that we didn’t offer enough [in exchange] for it. Mr. Adams had succeeded in Holland, owing to their war with England, and a good deal to the late votes in the Commons toward a reconciliation; but the ministers of the other powers refus’d to return their visits, because our independence was not yet acknowledg’d by their courts.
The northern princes were not asham’d of a little civility committed toward an American, however. The King of Denmark, travelling in England under an assumed name, sent me a card expressing in strong terms his esteem for me, and inviting me to dinner with him at St. James’s. The ambassador from Sweden applied to me about making a treaty with his master in behalf of the United States. I answer’d in the affirmative. He seem’d much pleased, and said the King had directed him to ask the question, and had charged him to tell me that he had so great an esteem for me that it would be a particular satisfaction to him to have such a transaction with me. The ambassador added that it was a pleasure to him to think, and he hop’d it would be remember’d, that Sweden was the first power in Europe which had voluntarily offer’d its friendship to the United States without being solicited. The King had charg’d him to tell me that it would flatter him greatly to make it with a person whose character he so much esteem’d &c &c. Such compliments probably would have made me a little proud, if we Americans were not naturally like the porter, who being told he had with his brethren jostled the great Czar Peter114 (then in London walking the street) said Poh, We are all czars here.
IN THE MULTITUDE OF COUNSELORS THERE IS SAFETY
I have never yet known of a peace made that did not occasion a great deal of popular discontent, clamour and censure on both sides. This is perhaps owing to the usual management of the ministers and leaders of the contending nations, who, to keep up the spirits of their people for continuing the war, generally represent the state of their own affairs in a better light, and that of the enemy in a worse, than is consistent with the truth. Hence the populace on each side expect better terms than really can be obtained, and are apt to ascribe their disappointment to treachery. Thus the peace of Utrecht, and that of Aix la Chapelle, were said in England to have been influenc’d by French gold, and in France by English guineas. Even the last peace [Seven Years War], the most advantageous and glorious for England that ever she made, was violently decry’d, and its makers as violently abus’d. So the blessing promis’d to peacemakers, I fancy, relates to the next world, for in this they seem to have a greater chance of being cursed. Another text observes, in the multitude of counsellors there is safety. For all these reasons, but especially for the support against the attack of my enemies, I wished for the presence of as many of the commissioners as possible.
During the negotiations, the Comte du Nord came to Mr. Vergennes while we were drinking coffee after dinner. He appeared lively and active, with a sensible, spirited countenance. There was an opera at night for his entertainment. The house being richly furnish’d with abundance of carving and gilding, well illuminated with wax tapers, and the company all superbly dressed, many of the men in cloth of tissue, and the ladies sparkling with diamonds, form’d altogether the most splendid spectacle my eyes ever beheld.
SUCH FLATTERING LANGUAGE MIGHT HAVE MADE ME VAINER
Mr. Grenville came again with instructions to acknowledge the independence of America prior to the commencement of the treaty. He then spoke much of the great esteem the present ministry had for me, their desire of a perfect reconciliation between the two countries, and the firm and general belief in England that perhaps no single man had ever in his hands an opportunity of doing so much good as I had at this present of bringing about such a reconciliation, adding that if the old ministers had formerly been too little attentive to my counsels, the present were very differently disposed, and he hop’d that in treating with them I would totally forget their predecessors. There was a time when such flattering language from great men might have made me vainer and had more effect on my conduct than it could then, when I found myself so near the end of life, as to esteem lightly all personal interests and concerns, except that of maintaining to the last and leaving behind me the tolerably good character I have hitherto supported.
THE TRUE LOYALISTS WERE THE AMERICANS
As to the loyalists, I repeated to Mr. Grenville what I had said to him when he first arrived, that their estates had been confiscated by laws made in the particular states where the delinquents had resided, and not by any law of Congress, who indeed had no power either to make such laws, or repeal them, and therefore could give no power to their commissioners to treat of a restoration of those people: that it was an affair appertaining to each state; that if there were justice in compensating them, it must be due from England rather than from America; but in my opinion England was not under any very great obligation to them, since it was by their misrepresentations and bad counsels that she had been drawn into this miserable war. And if an account were to be brought against us for their losses, we should more than balance it by an account of the ravages they had committed all along the coasts of America. The true loyalists were the Americans. The world had never seen a more universally loyal people than the Americans, who were forc’d by the mad measures of the ministry to take up arms in defense of their rights. They did it with reluctance. Very few if any of the pretended loyalists had any such principle, or any principle but that of taking care of themselves by securing safety with a chance of emolument and plunder. Mr. Oswald agreed to the reasonableness of all this, and said he had, before he had come away, told the ministers that he thought no recompense to those people was to be expected from us.
He had also, in consequence of our former conversation on the subject, given it as his opinion that Canada should be given up to the United States, as it would prevent the occasions of future difference, and as the government of such a country was worth nothing, and of no importance if they could have there a free commerce; that both the Marquis of Rockingham and Lord Shelburne, tho’ they spoke reservedly, did not seem very averse to it; but that Mr. Fox appear’d to be startled at the proposition. He was, however, not without hopes that it would be agreed to.115
On Tuesday June 11, 1782, I was at Versailles and had a good deal of conversation with M. de Rayneval, secretary to the Council. I show’d him the letters I had receiv’d by Mr. Oswald from Lord Shelburne. We spoke of all its attempts to separate us, and of the prudence of our holding together, and treating in concert.
MR. JAY FINALLY ARRIVES
In the afternoon of Sunday the 23d of June, Mr. Jay arriv’d, to my great satisfaction. I propos’d going with him the next morning to Versailles, and presenting him to Mr. Vergennes, which we did the next day. Mr. Jay inform’d me that the Spanish ministers had been much struck with the news from England respecting the resolutions of Parliament to discontinue the war in America, &c., and that they had since been extremely civil to him, and, he understood, intended to send instructions to their ambassador at the French court to make the long talk’d of treaty with him in Paris. We went together to see the Spanish ambassador, who receiv’d us with great civility and politeness. I had never made any visit to Count d’Aranda before. He spoke with Mr. Jay on the subject of the treaty they were to make together. I supp
osed he had in view something relating to boundaries or territories, because he added, “We will sit down together with maps in our hands, and by that means shall see our way more clearly.” At our going out he took the pains himself to open the folding-doors for us, which is a high compliment there: And he told us he would return our visit (rendre son devoir) and fix a day with us for dining with him.
I FIND MEN TO BE A SORT OF BEING VERY BADLY CONSTRUCTED
During these negotiations, I received two kind letters from Sir Joseph Priestley, to which I replied the following: Passy, near Paris, June 7, 1782
Dear Sir,
I have always great pleasure in hearing from you, in learning that you are well, and that you continue your experiments. I should rejoice much if I could once more recover the leisure to search with you into the works of nature; I mean the inanimate, not the animate or moral part of them. The more I discover’d the former, the more I admir’d them; the more I know of the latter, the more I am disgusted with them. Men I find to be a sort of being very badly constructed, as they are generally more easily provok’d than reconcil’d, more dispos’d to do mischief to each other than to make reparation, much more easily deceiv’d than undeceived, and having more pride and even pleasure in killing than in begetting one another, for without a blush they assemble in great armies at noon day to destroy, and when they have kill’d as many as they can, they exaggerate the number to augment the fancied glory; but they creep into corners or cover themselves with the darkness of night, when they mean to beget, as being asham’d of a virtuous action. A virtuous action it would be, and a vicious one the killing of them, if the species were really worth producing or preserving; but of this I begin to doubt. I know you have no such doubts, because in your zeal for their welfare, you are taking a great deal of pains to save their souls. Perhaps as you grow older you may look upon this as a hopeless project, or an idle amusement, repent of having murdered in mephitic air so many honest harmless mice, and wish that, to prevent mischief, you had used boys and girls instead of them.
In what light we are view’d by superior beings may be gather’d from a piece of the late West India News, which possibly has not yet reach’d you. A young angel of distinction, being sent down to this world on some business for the first time, had an old courier-spirit assign’d him as a guide. They arriv’d over the seas of Martinico in the middle of the long day of obstinate fights between the fleets of Rodney and DeGrasse. When, thro’ the clouds of smoke, he saw the fire of the guns, the decks cover’d with mangled limbs, and bodies dead or dying, the ships sinking, burning, or blown into the air, and the quantity of pain, misery, and destruction to the crews those yet alive were, with so much eagerness, dealing round to one another, he turn’d angrily to his guide and said, “You blundering blockhead, you are ignorant of your business; you undertook to conduct me to the earth, and you have brought me into hell!”—”No, sir,” says the guide, “I have made no mistake; this is really the earth, and these are men. Devils never treat one another in this cruel manner; they have more sense, and more of what men (vainly) call Humanity!”
But to be serious, my dear old friend, I love you as much as ever, and I love all the honest souls that meet at the London coffeehouse. 116 I only wonder how it happen’d that they and my other friends in England came to be such good creatures in the midst of so perverse a generation. I long to see them and you once more, and I labour for peace with more earnestness, that I may again be happy in your sweet society.
I show’d your letter to the Duke de Rochefoucault, who thinks, with me, that the new experiments you have made are extremely curious. Yesterday the Count du Nord was at the Academy of Sciences, when sundry experiments were exhibited for his entertainment; among them one by M. Lavoisier to show that the strongest fire we yet know is made in a charcoal blown upon with dephlogisticated air. In a heat so produc’d he melted plastina presently, the fire being so much more powerful than that of the strongest burning mirror.
Adieu, and believe me ever, yours most affectionately,
B FRANKLIN
EXCHANGE OF CORNWALLIS AND MR. LAURENS
By resolution of the 14TH of June 1782, the Congress had empower’d me to offer an exchange of General Burgoyne for the honourable Mr. Laurens, then a prisoner of the Tower of London, which exchange had not been accepted. Then advice was received that General Burgoyne had been exchang’d in virtue of another agreement. Mr. Laurens thereupon had proposed Lord Cornwallis as an exchange for him. Mr. Laurens was soon after discharged and having since urged me earnestly in several letters to join with him in absolving the parole of General Cornwallis, I did absolve and discharge the parole of Lord Cornwallis given him in Virginia, setting him at entire liberty to act in his civil or military capacity. My authority for doing this appear’d questionable to myself, but Mr. Laurens judg’d it deducible from that respecting General Burgoyne, and by his letters to me seem’d so unhappy till it was done, that I ventur’d it, with a clause however reserving to Congress the approbation or disallowance of it. I saw by the English papers that on the receipt of it, Lord Cornwallis immediately appear’d at court and took his seat in the house of peers, which he did not before think warrantable.
MY LANDLORD WAS FOREVER RENEWING DEMANDS
M. Le Ray de Chaumont, our landlord, had originally proposed to leave the rent until the end of the war, and then to accept for it a price of American land from the Congress, such as they might judge equivalent. But I was never able to settle my account with Mr. Chaumont. One was never sure of having finish’d anything with Mr. C. He was forever renewing old demands or inventing new ones. He refused to allow me interest on the 50,000 livres he kept so long in his hands, or on any other article of my account, and yet charged it on every one of his. And then he said that if I charged interest, he would charge me for I know not how many 100 tons of freight in the ship Marquis de Lafayette more than he was paid for. Mr. Chaumont, who was chosen by the captains of all the vessels in the expedition as their agent, had long been in a state little short of bankruptcy, and some of the delays were occasioned by the distress of his affairs. And thus the bad situation of his affairs forced him upon the use of all sorts of chicanery to evade a settlement and doing justice to his creditors. When a man naturally honest is thus driven into knavery by the effects of imprudent speculations, let it be a warning not to venture out of one’s depth, in hope of gain, to the hazard of one’s virtue, which ought to be dearer than any fortune, as being in itself more valuable and affording more comfort. My banker, Mr. Grand, gave it up as impracticable, but agreed to be the arbitrator. Mr. Grand considered all of Chaumont’s pleas, even a private memoir which M. Chaumont desired might not be shown me (I suppose lest I should answer it) wherein he made a sort of account of all his losses in American transactions, and even of all his civilities to me or any of my friends. Finally, we came to an agreement. However, Mr. Chaumont’s son, Mr. Le Ray de Chaumont, came to me in America after the war seeking additional sums that were impracticable, and I refused him because of lowness of funds. He spent four years in America seeking his father’s claim upon the Congress, but was unable to obtain it.
I CANNOT COMPREHEND CRUEL MEN
A letter written by James Hutton containing an account of the abominable murders committed by some of the frontier people on the poor Moravian Indians gave me infinite pain and vexation. I wrote to the government of America urging that effectual care be taken to protect and save the remainder of those unhappy people. The dispensations of Providence in this world puzzles my weak reason. I cannot comprehend why cruel men should be permitted thus to destroy their fellow creatures. Some of the Indians may be suppos’d to have committed sins, but one cannot think the little children had committed any worthy of death. Why had a single man in England,117 who happened to love blood and to hate Americans, been permitted to gratify that bad temper by hiring German murderers and joining them with his own to destroy, in a continued course of bloody years, nearly 100,000 human creatures, many
of them possessed of useful talents, virtues and abilities to which he has no pretention! It was he who had furnished the savages with hatchets and scalping knives, and engaged them to fall upon our defenseless farmers, and murder them with their wives and children, paying for their scalps, of which the account kept already amounts, as I have heard, to near two thousand . Perhaps the people of the frontier, exasperated by the cruelties of the Indians, have been induced to kill all Indians that fall into their hands, without distinction, so that even those horrid murders of our poor Moravians could be laid at his charge. And yet this man lives, enjoys all the good things this world can afford, and is surrounded by flatterers, who keep even his conscience quiet by telling him he is the best of princes!
The Compleated Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin (1757-1790) Page 27
