But it is for no such purposes that we raise our voices to the people of South Carolina on this occasion. We ask for no special privileges or peculiar favors. We ask only for even-handed Justice, or for the removal of such positive obstructions and disabilities as past, and the recent Legislators have seen fit to throw in our way, and heap upon us.
Without any rational cause or provocation on our part, of which we are conscious, as a people, we, by the action of your Convention and Legislature, have been virtually, and with few exceptions excluded from, first, the rights of citizenship, which you cheerfully accord to strangers, but deny to us who have been born and reared in your midst, who were faithful while your greatest trials were upon you, and have done nothing since to merit your disapprobation.
We are denied the right of giving our testimony in like manner with that of our white fellow-citizens, in the courts of the State, by which our persons and property are subject to every species of violence, insult and fraud without redress.
We are also by the present laws, not only denied the right of citizenship, the inestimable right of voting for those who rule over us in the land of our birth, but by the so-called Black Code we are deprived the rights of the meanest profligate in the country—the right to engage in any legitimate business free from any restraints, save those which govern all other citizens of this State.
You have by your Legislative actions placed barriers in the way of our educational and mechanical improvement; you have given us little or no encouragement to pursue agricultural pursuits, by refusing to sell to us lands, but organize societies to bring foreigners to your country, and thrust us out or reduce us to a serfdom, intolerable to men born amid the progress of American genius and national development.
Your public journals charge the freedmen with destroying the products of the country since they have been made free, when they know that the destruction of the products was brought about by the ravages of war of four years duration. How unjust, then, to charge upon the innocent and helpless, evils in which they had no hand, and which may be traced to where it properly belongs.
We simply desire that we shall be recognized as men; that we have no obstructions placed in our way; that the same laws which govern white men shall direct colored men; that we have the right of trial by a jury of our peers, that schools be opened or established for our children; that we be permitted to acquire homesteads for ourselves and children; that we be dealt with as others, in equity and justice.
We claim the confidence and good-will of all classes of men; we ask that the same chances be extended to us that freemen should demand at the hands of their fellow-citizens. We desire the prosperity and growth of this State and the well-being of all men, and shall be found ever struggling to elevate ourselves and add to the national character; and we trust the day will not be distant when you will acknowledge that by our rapid progress in moral, social, religious and intellectual development that you will cheerfully accord to us the high commendation that we are worthy, with you, to enjoy all political emoluments—when we shall realize the truth that “all men are endowed by their Creator with inalienable rights,” and that on the American continent this is the right of all, whether he come from east, west, north or south; and, although complexions may differ, “a man’s a man for a’ that.”
ZION CHURCH, Charleston, S. C.,
November 24, 1865.
PROSPECTS FOR THE STATE CONVENTION:
TEXAS, NOVEMBER 1865
Andrew J. Hamilton to Andrew Johnson
Austin Texas, Novr 27. 1865.
Mr President:
I have already advised you, by telegram, that I had by Proclamation ordered an election, on the 8th of January, for delegates, to assemble in Convention, on the 7th of February next. I can well conceive, that you have thought me slow to move in this matter, and that you may have felt some impatience, at Texas, being so far behind the other Southern States, in this necessary work. I believe, I have in former communications, given you the reasons, why it could not be done earlier—and I could also give reasons, why it might have been better for Texas, to have delayed the call still longer. The great body of the people are quiet and orderly. They seem disposed to obey the laws, and are doubtless, glad to be once more under the protection of the government of the United States, and anxious to accept every benefit it confers. Still it must be confessed, that a great many, even of this class, have had their minds and hearts so perverted by past teachings, that they accept the favor of Government, as a matter of course, without feeling any corresponding obligation on their part, to make the slightest sacrifice to sustain the Government, or its policy. Even Union men throughout the war, never doubted but the emancipation of slavery would be the result, now that it has come, are some of them, sore and complaining. The sacred negro, (sacred only when a slave) could not be yielded up, without a struggle. Now all sensible men admit, that slavery is dead, but still, there seems to be a desire, and a hope, that some plan will be adopted, which will keep the negro, practically, in bondage. This, it must not be supposed, is either the expectation or wish of all of the late slave owners; but certainly of many of them. And even those who do not desire this, have not for the most part, progressed far enough in the lessons taught by the rebellion, to accord to the negro, equal rights, under the law. I speak, not of suffrage; but protection of life, liberty, and property. There is an evident improvement in the public mind upon this subject, steadily going forward: but the public press of the State, and the political teachers became, so utterly depraved during the rebellion, and committed themselves and the people to such extravagances, that they cannot, thus early, embrace and declare the truth; hence, the public mind is working slowly, but I believe steadily, in the right direction. Six months would bring it right. And I even hope, that Congress when it meets, will give such early indications of what is expected of the people of the South, that our Convention will be inclined to act, with more deliberation, and better matured judgment, than would control them, under other circumstances. I can only form my own opinion of what will be expected of the Convention. I have determined in my own mind what it ought to do.
1st To declare the ordinance of Secession null and void from the beginning.
2nd That there is no such Thing as a legal or Constitutional right in a State, to secede, or otherwise attempt, a disruption of the Union.
3rd That slavery is extinguished by the Proclamation of the President, and the acts of Congress.
4th That slavery shall never again exist, in the State.
5th The ratification of the amendments to the U.S. Constitution, prohibiting slavery in all the States and Territories.
6th That the freedom of the late slaves, shall be protected, by guarantees to life liberty and property, by equal laws, allowing to them, the benefit of their oaths, in the courts of the country, upon the same rules of admissability and credability that apply to others.
7th That the debt of the State, created for the purpose of upholding the rebellion, and destroying the Government of the United States; is not, and cannot be binding upon the people of Texas; and cannot be paid, or recognized, without an implied endorsement, of the rebellion, not only unjust to the people of the State; but contumacious and insulting to the Government: and that the same, is not, and can never be, a charge upon the people of Texas. These, I think, are necessary, as Constitutional provisions, to put us in proper position, to assume our former relations to the Union. Less than this, I confess, I would not, myself, be satisfied with; and something like this, in my judgment, will be expected and demanded by the American people, through their representatives in Congress. The influences to be contended against in bringing about this desirable action, are manifold. It would be nearly impossible to enumerate them all: but among the most prominent are: 1st, The wounded pride, resulting from the failure of the rebellion, and the consequent exposure of the false prophesies of its leaders. 2nd The indulgence of that spirit, which causes men, to refuse to be reconcil
ed, to those, whom they have deeply injured, without cause.
3rd The false pride, of not acknowledging an error—together with the want of correct information: soreness at the loss of property—the desire to be again considered political oracles—envy and hatred of Union men—and last and worst; even Union men, who, in order to obtain present preferment, are willing to pander to all of the prejudices of the past—and are full of cant about the tyranny of Govt. &c. &c. To meet all these, I have but little help, from any quarter. The best men of the State, feel very much disinclined, to throw themselves into the breach, and give their active exertions to sweep away all of these hindrances, to right action. I have done what I could, and shall continue to labor to the last. I contemplate making a tour through the most populous portions of the State, before the election, to address the people. I shall plainly and frankly present the views I entertain, of their situation and their duty. This is much needed. The people want to know the truth, and seem to feel instinctively that their former teachers are not the men from whom they can learn it. I have every day calls upon me to go out and talk to them, but up to this time, I have not been able to leave here, even for one day, or an hour. But having organized the State, and got it to running smoothly, I think, I can better employ my time, for two or three weeks, by mingling with the people and giving them good advice, than by attending to the mere details of business in my office, which can be as well done, by my Secretary of State. It is a labor necessary to be performed, and if I dont perform it, so far as I can see, no one will. I could say to you, much more, as to the temper of the people, touching political questions; but it would be tedious. There have been, as was to be expected, many outrages committed upon the freedmen. I have done all in my power to prevent such, and to bring to punishment the guilty parties. But in sections of the State, remote from any Military force, I have not been able to accomplish much. You will perceive, that I felt it my duty, to issue an address to the freedmen, with a view of disabusing their minds of false notions, as to what the Government would do for them. There is no doubt, but that many of them, really believed, that about Christmas, they would be furnished with homes, and whatever else they might need. This was calculated to disincline them to hire, to labor for fair wages, and I had reason to fear that mid winter, would find them without homes or food, and that they would be compelled to go stealing, to preserve life, and then the whites, would have something more than a pretext, for killing them: and with a view, to prevent such a state of things, I issued the address to the freedmen: also, an authority to the Chief Justices of the Counties, to organize a Police force, to preserve order, and prevent violence—copies of which, I herewith enclose; as also a copy of my Proclamation for a Convention. I feel confident, that they will have the desired effect, and that the public peace will be maintained.
You will permit me now, Mr. President, to say a word, upon the subject of diminishing the Military force in Texas. I will not present you the reasons, at this time, for what I urge; beyond the statement which I deliberately make; that it will not be safe, to reduce it lower, than it now is. I do not mean that the United States would have anything to fear in a military point of view; but it would have much to lose, in the way of deferring the restoration of Society and Civil Government in Texas. There is no fear, of an organized force to openly defy the power of the Government, but there would, beyond doubt, be thousands of individual acts of insult and injury, to loyal citizens, by that class of men, who are bitter in their feelings towards the Government and its friends. They are not the majority, but there is so large a percentum of such men, as to enable them; in many localities, in the present demoralized condition of society, to defy the local civil law. The largest portion of the forces, now in the State, are on the Rio Grande, and this, I suppose, for obvious reasons, will continue to be the case; so that there is left for the whole of the immense territory of the State, where our people actually reside, not more than six or eight thousand troops. If this number should be distributed between such points in the State, as will afford reasonable aid to the Civil authorities, in keeping the public peace, they will be found hardly adequate to the task. As it now is, very much the largest portion of the State, in territory; and very much the largest portion of our people, have no such protection. Besides, the people on our Indian border, are suffering terribly, from the constant depredations of the Indians. So far, no permanent Posts, have been established on this border. If it is not soon done, the whole Northern frontier will be compelled to recede. It is now, in fact, daily receding. Our people have been patient. They know that they have not been blameless in producing this state of things. But it is sad, that the innocent, must suffer, for the wrongs of the guilty. I most respectfully urge upon your Excellency, that a force, be directed to occupy the Indian frontier and I at the same time, for the reasons given, would strongly recommend that no further diminution of the forces in Texas, be made.
They are needed, and will be, for many months to come, if we are to have order and security to life and property.
A J Hamilton Provl. Govr. of Texas
TRAVELS IN THE CAROLINAS AND GEORGIA:
SEPTEMBER–DECEMBER 1865
Sidney Andrews:
from The South Since the War
SOME GENERAL CONCLUSIONS ON THE SITUATION IN GEORGIA AND THE CAROLINAS.
ON SHIPBOARD, December 7, 1865.
If the representatives elect from the Southern States have been admitted to their seats in Congress, then has the South been victorious. But if the House has organized without their help, and if the whole reconstruction question is left open for general discussion in that body and in the public press, then indeed is there cause for most devout thanksgiving on this day set apart by the President.
My fourteen weeks’ tour is at an end, and I am returning to New York. I have travelled over more than half the stage and railway routes in the States of North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. I have been generally treated with civility and occasionally with courteous cordiality. I judge, from the stories told me by various persons, that my reception was, on the whole, something better than that accorded to the majority of Northern travellers.
I went South to study the political situation. I did not go to view the country, and consequently my letters have given but meagre information regarding the soil and climate and productions of the States visited. In pursuance of the plan marked out from the beginning, I sought conversation with all classes of Southerners,—my object being to gather information at first hand and to keep my reports free from the bias and prejudice of Northern sojourners. I was not obliged to write in the interest of any party or any person, and was not required to furnish arguments for upholding or breaking down any particular theory of reconstruction. In a word, my duty was that of a reporter. I meant to tell the truth, and I hoped to find the truth pleasant to tell.
Yet the conclusion of the whole matter is, that a very grave mistake, not to say a criminal blunder, has been committed, if the Southern representatives have been admitted into Congress.
It will not be safe to admit them to their seats at present. Some of them ought never to be admitted. They have no business in a Congress of the United States, for they are either of bitterly rebellious spirit or are encased in the poisonous bigotries of State supremacy. Against these the doors of our legislative halls should be forever closed. Other men there are of better disposition and larger views; but the time has not come for even their participation in the national counsels. If they are really fit for the places to which they have been chosen nothing will be lost if they prove anew that those also serve who stand and wait.
For it must be said that public sentiment is changing very rapidly in the South, and not wholly in the right direction. The President went to the extreme limit of magnanimity; but the more he gave the more was demanded. I have recently seen an article in one of the Southern papers in which the removal of Secretary Stanton is asked as a good-will offering to the people of the South; and a knot of
gentlemen at the hotel in Augusta argued to me that the unconditional release of Jeff Davis was necessary to prove the kindly disposition of the North! So far as the people of Georgia and South Carolina, and a large proportion of those of North Carolina, are concerned, the indorsement of President Johnson, of which so much is said in their newspapers, is merely a grateful sense of favors to be received.
Possibly we were wrong to hope that one season could sow the grain of reconstruction and gather its fruitage of good order and fair respect for human rights. At least this season has not done that. I am sure the nation longs for nothing else so much as for honest and heroic peace; yet let not the representatives of the nation mistake this longing for weakness of faith or faintness of purpose in respect to the final triumph of justice.
It cannot be said that freedom of speech has been fully secured in either of the three States which I have visited. Personally, I have very little cause of complaint, for my rôle was rather that of a listener than of a talker; but I met many persons who kindly cautioned me, that at such and such places, and in such and such company, it would be advisable to refrain from conversation on certain topics. Among the members of the better class of people, resident in the cities and large towns, I found a fair degree of liberality of sentiment and courtesy of speech; but in travelling off the main railway lines, and among the average of the population, any man of Northern opinions must use much circumspection of language.
It follows, of course, that safety of person is not assured. Very likely one might travel through every county of either State without harm; but any Union man must expect to hear many insulting words; and any Northern man is sure to find his principles despised, his people contemned, and himself subjected to much disagreeable contumely; while any man holding and openly advocating even moderately radical sentiments on the negro question, stands an excellent chance, in many counties of Georgia and South Carolina, of being found dead some morning,—shot from behind, as is the custom of the country. Of course the war has not taught its full lesson till even Mr. Wendell Phillips can go into Georgia and proclaim “The South Victorious.”
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