Mr. Speaker, the kind of cowardice which shrinks from the assertion of great principles has followed this grand anti-slavery movement from the beginning until now; but God taught us early in this fight that the fate of our own race was indissolubly linked with that of the black man on this continent—not socially, for none of us are linked by social ties except by our own consent, but politically in all the rights accorded under the law.
This truth was stated early by one of our revered poets when he said:
We dare not share the negro’s trust.
Nor yet his hope deny;
We only know that God is just,
And every wrong shall die.
Rude seems the song; each swarthy face,
Flame-lighted, ruder still;
We start to think that hapless race
Must shape our good or ill;
That laws of changeless justice bind
Oppressor with oppressed;
And close as sin and suffering joined
We march to Fate abreast.
Their fate politically must be ours. Justice to them has always been safety for us. Let us not shrink now.
February 4, 1875
AN ELECTION PLAN:
MISSISSIPPI, AUGUST 1875
Hinds County Gazette: How to Meet the Case
IN ALL past elections since the adventurers obtained control in Hinds county, only dishonest and rascally carpet-baggers have been able to obtain a hearing from the negroes. The carpet-baggers by deception and falsehood have kept the negroes from attending conservative meetings—they have refused to allow conservatives to speak at their meetings—and they have rejected all propositions for holding joint meetings for discussion. The object sought to be accomplished by the carpet-bag leaders in all this, has been fully understood, and is perfectly characteristic. Their tactics with, and their harangues to the unfortunate and ignorant negroes, have been base fabrications and lies—bold deceptions and falsehoods—infamous insinuations and innuendos—and all designed to array the blacks in a deadly hostility against the whites, and to keep the blacks in supreme ignorance of the true situation, of their practical interests, and the best interests of the country. By this means, the scoundrels, white and black, have obtained full control over the deluded and duped negroes, and have used them as tools—as the potter uses the clay in his hands—for the robbery of the people, for the exhaltation to office of thieves and rascals—and for the disgrace and ruin of the country.
There are those who think that the leaders of the Radical party have carried this system of fraud and falsehood just far enough in Hinds county, and that the time has come when it should be stopped—peaceably if possible, forcibly if necessary. And to this end, it is proposed that whenever a Radical pow-wow is to be held, the nearest anti-Radical club appoint a committee of ten discreet, intelligent and reputable citizens—fully identified with the interests of the neighborhood and well known as men of veracity—to attend as representatives of the tax-payers of the neighborhood and the county and true friends of the negroes assembled; and that whenever the Radical speakers proceed to mislead the negroes, and open with falsehoods, and deceptions, and misrepresentations, that the committee stop them right then and there, and compel them to tell the truth or quit the stand.
We know of no better way in which the falsehoods and frauds scattered by Ames’ emissaries can be successfully met in the presence of the negroes, and we suggest that the practicability of this plan be discussed in the clubs. Really honest men of the Radical party, if there be such, cannot object to it. The professional liars and thieves will of course call it “intimidation,” “force,” and all that. Well, if men will not voluntarily cease telling lies about their neighbors and the people of the country, they ought to be forced to stop it.
Desperate cases require desperate remedies. We have a desperate case on hand. Nothing less than the recovery of Hinds county and the state of Mississippi—and all that our people hold dear on earth—from the hands of regularly organized bands of thieves and robbers and perjured scoundrels. We must use remedies equal to the emergency of the case, if we desire to arrest the disease.
Hinds County Gazette, August 4, 1875
“THE WHOLE PUBLIC ARE TIRED OUT”:
NEW JERSEY, SEPTEMBER 1875
Ulysses S. Grant to Edwards Pierrepont
Long Branch, N. J.
Sept. 13th/75
HON. EDWARDS PIERREPONT,
ATTY. GEN. U. S.
DEAR SIR:
Your report upon the Mississippi revolt, by Special Messenger, is received, and I have just read it. I am somewhat perplexed to know what directions to give in the matter. The whole public are tired out with these annual, autumnal outbreaks in the South, and there is so much unwholsome lying done by the press and people in regard to the cause & extent of these breaches of the peace that the great majority are ready now to condemn any interference on the part of the government. I heartily wish peace and good order might be restored without the issueing of a proclamation. But if it is not the proclamation must be issued; and if it is I shall instruct the Commander of the forces to have no childs play. If there is a necessity for Military interference there is justice in such interference as to deter evil doers.
I start to-morrow for Utica. If a proclamation becomes necessary it can be given to the press at once, and take date from its publication, and be sent to me there for signature. I believe this will be proper? If it is not the publication will have to await my signature.
I do not see how we are to evade the call of the governor, if made strictly within the Constitution and acts of Congress there under. If the Executive is to be the judge when such insurrection or invasion exists as to warrant federal interference the Constitutional provision refered to in your report may become a dead letter even under a well meaning but timid executive. The so called liberal and opposition press would then become the power to determine when, or whether, troops should be used for the maintanance of a republican form of government.
I think on the whole a proclamation had better be prepared and sent to me for signature. It need not be published, nor the public made aware of its existence without telegraphic advice. In the mean time I would suggest the sending of a dispatch—or letter by private messenger—to Gen. Ames urging him to strengthen his position by exhausting his own resorces in restoring order before he receives govt. aid. He might accept the assistance offered by the citizens of Jackson and elsewhere. I am fully aware that the proffered assistance might prove dangerous. It might prove the offer of the wolf to the Shepherd to take charge of the sheepfold. But Governor Ames, and his advisors, can be made perfectly secure. As many of the troops now in Miss. as he deems necessary may be sent to Jackson. If he is betrayed by those who offer assistance he will be in a position to defeat their ends and punish them. I will wait to hear what you, and such members of the Cabinet as you may choose to consult, have to say to these suggestions. If you wish to send any dispatch to me that you do not wish opperators to read give it to Mr. Luckey and he will put it in Sipher.
Very Respectfully
your obt. svt.
U. S. GRANT
REFUSING AN APPEAL FOR AID:
WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 1875
Edwards Pierrepont to Adelbert Ames
DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE,
WASHINGTON, D. C., September 14, 1875.
To Governor AMES, Jackson, Miss.
This hour I have had dispatches from the President. I can best convey to you his ideas by extracts from his dispatches:
The whole public are tired out with these annual autumnal outbreaks in the South, and the great majority are ready now to condemn any interference on the part of the Government. I heartily wish that peace and good order may be restored without issuing the proclamation, but if it is not the proclamation must be issued. But if it is, I shall instruct the commander of the forces to have no child’s play. If there is a necessity for military interference there is justice in such interference
, to deter evil-doers. I would suggest the sending of a dispatch or letter, by means of a private messenger, to Governor Ames, urging him to strengthen his own position by exhausting his own resources in restoring order before he receives Government aid. He might accept the assistance offered by the citizens of Jackson and elsewhere. Governor Ames and his advisers can be made perfectly secure, as many of the troops now in Mississippi as he deems necessary may be sent to Jackson. If he is betrayed by those who offer assistance he will be in a position to defeat their ends and punish them.
You see by this the mind of the President—with which I, and every member of the cabinet who has been consulted, are in full accord. You see the difficulties, you see the responsibilities which you assume. We cannot understand why you do not strengthen yourself in the way the President suggests. Nor do we see why you do not call the Legislature together and obtain from them whatever power, and money, and arms, you need. The Constitution is explicit that the Executive of the State can call upon the President for aid in suppressing domestic violence only when the Legislature cannot be convened, and the law expressly says, “In case of an insurrection in any State against the government thereof, it shall be lawful for the President, on application of the Legislature of such State, or of the Executive when the Legislature cannot be convened,” etc. It is plain that the meaning of the Constitution and laws, when taken together, is that the Executive of a State may call upon the President for military aid to quell domestic violence only in case of an insurrection in any State against the government thereof when the Legislature cannot be called together.
You make no suggestions, even, that there is any insurrection against the government of the State, or that the Legislature would not support you in any measures you might propose to preserve the public order. I suggest that you take all lawful means and all needed measures to preserve the peace by the forces in your own State, and let that country see that citizens of Mississippi, who are largely favorable to good order, and who are largely Republican, have the courage and the manhood to fight for their rights, and to destroy the bloody ruffians who murder the innocent and unoffending freedmen. Everything is in readiness. Be careful to bring yourself strictly within the Constitution and the laws, and if there is such resistance to your State authorities as you cannot by all the means at your command suppress, the President will quickly aid you in crushing these lawless traitors to human rights.
Telegraph me on receipt of this, and state explicitly what you need.
Very respectfully yours,
EDWARDS PIERREPONT.
“A KIND OF GUERRILLA WAR”:
MISSISSIPPI, SEPTEMBER 1875
Sarah A. Dickey to Ulysses S. Grant
Allow a humble woman to address your Excellence in behalf of the poor oppressed colored people of the Southern states and especially of this State. Seeing, as I do, that thousands of them are just on the eve of being sacrificed at the hand of the assassin, I cannot hold my peace. Whoever says to you that our troubles in Miss. are slight and that we do not need assistance from the Federal Government is an enemy to the colored people and sanctions their slaughter. I have been laboring in the capacity of an educator, either directly or indirectly, for the freedmen, in this State ever since Dec. 1863. Have been at Clinton nearly five years. During this time I have made the acquaintance of quite a number of the white people, and have learned their sentiments in reference to the colored people and the, so called, carpetbaggers. I know that they are a desperate people: I know their ‘hearts are deceitful above all things.’ I know, too, that the white people of this state, and I believe also of all the other Southern States, have united almost to a man to keep up this killing of colored men until they shall have succeeded in killing off all of the leading men, and as many others as possible. All they want is to see them dead on the ground. They will avail themselves of every apparent opportunity and make every pretext that they possibly can to commit these bloody deeds until they shall have satiated their thirst for the blood of these innocent people. I was at the republican mass meeting, held at this place (Clinton) on the 4th inst., myself. Was on the ground early and I saw enough with my own eyes to convince any honest person that the republicans went there for nothing but peace, profit and pleasure, and that the democrats, who were on the ground, went there for the express purpose of creating a disturbance and of killing as many as they could. The Southern white people are just as deceitful and as wily as men can be. I know that the Authorities of our Government are doing and will do all that they can, so far as they understand the necessities of the case, to stay the sheding of innocent blood: but I feel that with the certain knowledge which I have, it would be inhuman in me to remain quiet. I feel sure, I MAY be mistaken, yet I do feel very sure that to arm a militia of colored men is simply to usher them into the jaws of death. If a war of races or of parties should ensue then you would know just what course to take; but I fear that the white people would take a course which would be equally if not more disastrous to the colored people and which would be much harder to meet by the general government. I think they would only make it another pretext to slaughter colored men not only here but all over the State. . . . I know that these Southern people are simply carrying on a kind of gurrilla war and I know that they are planning to continue in this course until they shall have succeeded in killing thousands of colored men and of reducing the remnant to a condition of slavery. You hear a great deal about the massacre at Clinton, but you do not hear the worst. It cannot not be told. Hoping God’s blessings may attend these earnest thoughts . . . P. S. Do not understand me to say that Gov. Ames is not doing all in his power to allay these difficulties. I believe he is.
September 23, 1875
MURDER IN HINDS COUNTY:
MISSISSIPPI, SEPTEMBER–DECEMBER 1875
Margaret Ann Caldwell:
Testimony to the Select Senate Committee
MRS. CALDWELL—HINDS COUNTY.
JACKSON, MISS., June 20, 1876.
Mrs. MARGARET ANN CALDWELL (colored) sworn and examined.
By the CHAIRMAN:
THE WIDOW OF SENATOR CALDWELL.
Question. What is your name? —Answer. Margaret Ann Caldwell.
Q. Where do you live? —A. In Clinton, Hinds County.
Q. Was Mr. Caldwell, formerly senator, your husband? —A. Yes, sir.
Q. What was his first name? —A. Charles.
Q. When did he die? —A. Thursday night, in the Christmas. Him and his brother was killed.
Q. You may state to the committee what you know of his death. —A. I know when he left the house on the Thursday evening, in the Christmas, between dark and sundown. In the beginning of the day he was out on his fox-chase all day. The first commencement was an insult passed on his nephew, and he came out home.
STORY OF HIS ASSASSINATION.
Q. Who was that? —A. David Washington; he is in Washington City now. He is there in business; watchman in the Treasury Department now; has been ever since October, I think. So they picked a fuss; Waddy Rice, in George Washington’s blacksmith shop, in Clinton. They commenced talking this way: I think David said they asked, “How many did he kill on the day of the Moss Hill riot? Who did he shoot?” David said that he did not know as he shot anybody; said he didn’t know that he shot anybody. They told him, he said, “he came there to kill the white people, and if he did, to do his work in the day, and not to be seeking their lives at night.” David came immediately back to my house. His uncle was at the fox-chase. I said, “Don’t go out any more. Probably they are trying to get up a fuss here.”
His uncle sent him down town for something. He staid in the house until he came.
That was about four o’clock in the evening, and some one had told about the fuss picked with his nephew, and he walked down town to see about it, I suppose. He was down town a half hour, and came back and eat his dinner, and just between dark and sundown he goes back down town again. He went down town knocking about down there. I do not know
what he was doing down there, until just nearly dusk, and a man, Madison Bell, a colored man, came and says, “Mrs. Caldwell you had better go down and see about Mr. Caldwell, I think the white folks will kill him; they are getting their guns and pistols, and you had better go and get your husband away from town.”
I did not go myself; I did not want to go myself, but went to Professor Bell and said would he go and get him. Mr. Bell went, and he never came back at all until he came back under arrest.
I was at my room until just nearly dark.
The moon was quite young, and the chapel bell rang.
We live right by it. I knew the minute the bell tolled what it all meant.
And the young men that lived right across the street, when the bell tolled, they rushed right out; they went through the door and some slid down the window and over they sprang; some went over the fence. They all ran to the chapel and got their guns. There was 150 guns there to my own knowing; had been there since the riot, at the Baptist chapel. They all got their guns.
I went down town, and then all got ahead everywhere I went; and some of them wanted to know who I was, but I hid my face as well as I could. I just said “woman” and did not tell who I was.
As I got to town I went to go into Mr. Chilton’s store and every store was closed just that quick, for it was early, about 6 o’clock. All the other stores were closed. Chilton’s was lit up by a big chandelier, and as I went over the lumber-yard I saw a dead man. I stumbled over him, and I looked at him, but I did not know who it was, and I went into Chilton’s, and as I put my foot up on the store steps, standing as close, maybe a few feet, (everything was engaged in it that day,) there was Judge Cabinis, who was a particular friend of my husband; a particular friend to him. He was standing in the center with a gun with a blue strap, in the center of the jam; and as I went to go in they cussed me and threatened to hurt me, and “make it damned hot for me,” and the judge among the balance; but he said he didn’t know me afterward. And they all stood; nobody would let me go in; they all stood there with their guns.
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