I went to church and heard a good, strong, sensible sermon by Critchfield’s son-in-law. After church and dinner I rode with General Mitchell and his children out to Alum Creek and around past the place of my old friend Albert Buttles. We talked of the Presidential question as settled, and found it in all respects well for me personally that I was not elected. On reaching home at Mitchell’s, we found my son Webb with the following dispatch from Governor Dennison, a prudent and cautious gentleman, which seems to open it all up again:—
WASHINGTON, D. C., November 12, 1876.
Received at Columbus 2:05 P. M.
To GOVERNOR R. B. HAYES.
You are undoubtedly elected next President of the United States. Desperate attempts are being made to defeat you in Louisiana, South Carolina, and Florida, but they will not succeed.
W. DENNISON.
In the evening I asked if there were objections to publishing this dispatch. About 10 P. M. reply came, “No objections.”
THE ELECTORAL CRISIS:
WASHINGTON, D.C., DECEMBER 1876
Abram Hewitt:
Memorandum of Conversation with Ulysses S. Grant
AFTER a few commonplace remarks, the President said that he longed for the day when he should be able to retire from office; That he counted the hours just as when he completed his terms at West Point during the last three months of his term he looked forward for the freedom which was in store for him: That for sixteen years he had consecrated his life to the public service without any interval of rest or any possibility of being free from great responsibility;—That while he was in the army, during the war, he was in the picket line, so to speak, for four years, and that if in any of the engagements where he had gained a victory, he had lost a battle, the whole cause of the Union would have been lost; That during Johnson’s administration, he was the bulwark between Congress on the one hand, and the President on the other, and had been compelled to exercise greater powers, and discharge more complicated duties than any previous General-in-chief; That during his eight years of the Presidency, the most difficult questions had been presented, and had to be solved.—: That he was aware that at times, he had been misunderstood, but he believed that the great mass of the people were disposed to do him and his motives full justice, To which I remarked that I had no question of that fact; That his career formed the most memorable part of American history; That his fame was the property of the American people; That we all had a jealous regard for him, and, speaking for the Democratic party, I could assure him that they were disposed to do him full justice; and that they had a confidence that now, at the close of his administration, no act of his would tarnish the glory of his past achievements.—The President replied that the present House of Representatives had not given evidence of a desire to do him justice; That they had raked up petty accusations against him, and had brought back from Ireland a lunatic, who for a long time had followed him about, threatening vengeance, so that for six months, he had carried a heavy cane for protection.—I said to him that this matter had made so little impression on the public mind that I was not aware of such an investigation, and I begged that he would not attribute to a great party, the malice or blunders of a few individuals; That he was recognized by both parties, as the General who had brought the war to a close, and who had assured the continuance of the Union.—I then remarked that the present crisis was one in which he could render to the country even a greater service than any he had heretofore rendered, and that it seemed to me that it rested wholly with him whether the present complication should result in war, or in a peaceful solution.—He replied that if there was to be any fighting, he certainly would not begin it: That he would maintain order, as he was bound to do, but that he would not provoke any collision by the use of mere power, where it was not his duty to employ it.—I then referred to the recent use of troops in South Carolina.—He said that his orders to General Ruger directed him simply to preserve the peace, and that he had not been authorized to interfere in the organization of the legislature:—That General Ruger’s report showed he issued orders in accordance with these instructions, but that the orders had been misconstrued by a young officer, and that members had been refused admission to the hall, but as soon as this fact had been brought to the notice of General Ruger, this obstruction was removed.—He referred to the statement signed by General Gordon and Wade Hampton, that notice had been sent by General Ruger to the members from Laurens and Edgefield counties, that they would be removed from the hall, unless they absented themselves, and he stated that this was an error; that General Ruger had not directed any such notice to be given, though it was probable that Governor Chamberlain had sent such notice.—As to the organization of the two houses, the President, after a conversation of some length, laid down this proposition.—That neither house had a quorum for the transaction of business, and was therefore, not properly constituted; That it required sixty-three members to make a quorum; That, the Republican house had fifty-nine members with certificates, and that the Democratic house had fifty-six members with certificates; That in case he should be called upon, as he might be, to recognize one or other of the houses; he should not recognize either, unless it had sixty-three members holding the original certificates of election. I called his attention to the fact that four members holding these original certificates of election, had been unseated by the Republican house, and other persons, having no certificates of election, had been put in their place. The President thought that this could not be the case, and I promised to inquire, and let him know the fact.—I have since inquired, and am told positively, that the four members from Barnwell, having regular certificates, have thus been unseated by the Republican house.—The President said if this was so, it could not be justified.—Then, coming to the Presidential question, he said he thought he had sufficient information to justify him in forming a judgment as to the situation, and he repeated a remark previously made, that he did not think any man could afford to take the place of President, unless the general judgment concurred in the belief that he was fairly elected; That so far as South-Carolina was concerned, he believed that the state had gone, on the face of the returns, for Hayes & Wheeler, throwing out entirely the counties of Edgefield and Laurens; that in these counties there had been really no election; that they had been overridden by companies of armed men from Georgia, and that the black population had been deterred from voting, and although he, the President, had nothing officially to do with the matter, as it was confined to the returning board alone, he thought that these counties had been properly thrown out, and that the state of South-Carolina should justly be counted for Hayes & Wheeler.—As to Florida, he said that the result was very close, but that on the face of the returns, he believed that Hayes & Wheeler had a majority of about forty, and that this was independent of the question of frauds, which, if allowed a fair weight, would probably increase the majority, as he was credibly informed.—I asked him from whom he got his information, and he said from Mr. Kasson, who had gone South at his request.—Up to this point, the President had enjoined no confidence, but coming to Louisiana, he remarked that what he should say to me must be in confidence.—He said that on the face of the returns, Tilden & Hendricks unquestionably had a majority of six to eight thousand votes: That there were six parishes in which there had been intimidation to such an extent, that he did not think there had been a fair election, and that they had to be thrown out; That he believed that when thrown out, there was still a majority for Tilden & Hendricks, to which I remarked that it was somewheres about two thousand,—and that this majority could only be overcome by assuming that the votes of five thousand naturalized citizens of New-Orleans were all Democratic, and that by throwing them out on account of some defect in the naturalization papers.—The President remarked that the returning-board in Louisiana was in very bad odor with the public; that the people had no confidence in it, and even if it did right, it would not be credited with honest intentions.—He believed that there had been n
o honest election in Louisiana since Slidell got control of its politics.—I suggested to him that, as a matter of fact, it was not possible to have a fair election in that state, and that it was a most serious blow to Republican government, that a state in which a fair election could not be had, should decide a Presidential contest.—The President replied that this was true, and that it would not be unreasonable that the vote of Louisiana should be thrown out, as it was in 1872, on account of irregularities of election, and the peculiar functions of the returning-board.—I remarked that this would give the election to Tilden; that he would then have a clear majority of all the electors appointed.—He said, ‘no’; that it had been held in Lincoln’s time that the President must have a majority of all the votes to which the states are legally entitled.—I replied that it had been so asserted, but that no tribunal had ever considered the question. The President answered ‘certainly not, because Lincoln had the necessary majority.’—Whereupon I remarked that if a majority had belonged to the states in rebellion, it would not be held that the loyal states should go without a President, and he said; ‘certainly not, they would have to do the best they could.’—However, assuming that Louisiana were thrown out, and that it was still necessary to have one hundred and eighty-five votes, this would throw the election into the House, who would then elect the President, and the Senate would elect the Vice President, which was one solution of the problem.—However, he said he did not expect there would be any serious trouble; that a solution would be reached, that would, in the main, be satisfactory to the people; That if one of the doubtful states should cast all or any part of its votes for Tilden, that would settle the question.—He would be inaugurated as quietly as he, General Grant, had been.—It was not, however, for him to decide the question, but it was the duty of Congress under the Constitution: That his duty would be to see that their decision was carried into effect.—I asked the President whether in the event of the two houses getting into conflict, and coming to blows, he would feel it his duty to use the military force of the Goverment to restore order.—To which he replied; ‘certainly not,’ but that if either side should call up an armed force or a mob, to its support, he would feel bound to protect the public property from its attack, and to repel them from the Capitol.—In conclusion, he said that his great desire was to retire from office with the country at peace, and generally satisfied with the conclusion which might be arrived at; and that he thought it rather hard that any one should suspect him, who had given his best years to preserve the country, of any design upon its liberties.—I assured the President of the great gratification I experienced in hearing such sentiments expressed; That I was confirmed in my faith in his patriotism, and that it should not be long before the whole country, and both parties, would do him and his motives full justice.—I omitted to say, in the proper place above, that, speaking of the Presidential election, the President said that it was a matter of substance, and not of technicalities; That any attempt to appropriate a vote in Vermont, or Rhode Island or Oregon, which had given a Republican majority, would be regarded only as a trick, just as any attempt to get a vote of Louisiana by fraud would be regarded as indefensible.—I assured the President that I heartily concurred in this view, and that if a vote from Oregon was really certified to the Democrats, I did not believe that any other use would be made of it than to get a fair hearing in the case of the other states, which, in the judgment of the Democratic party, might be improperly certified to Hayes; That neither Governor Tilden or his friends desired to have him succeed to the Presidency unless he had been honestly elected, and that in the event of there being so much doubt in regard to the real result, as to make it difficult for fair-minded men to say who was elected, I felt justified in saying that Governor Tilden and his friends, would cheerfully assent to a new election; That while he and they felt that they had a duty to perform, that they were not disposed to press an extreme issue in the face of a reasonable doubt. Incidentally, I mentioned to the President that the House would probably appoint committees to investigate and report upon the facts developed in the elections of South-Carolina, Florida and Louisiana.—He replied that he expected that they would do so, and thought it very proper, and that it would be a very desirable thing to get reports from committees properly constituted.—Incidentally, the President said that Mr. Anderson, on the Louisiana returning board, was a brother of Major Robert Anderson of Fort Sumter fame, and of Lars Anderson of Cincinnatti; He must, therefore, be an honest man, and that he would be inclined to believe any certificate he might sign, and to discredit any certificate he did not sign.—I since learn that the gentleman is not a brother of the gentleman named.
December 3, 1876
“THE PUBLIC DEMAND PEACE”:
ILLINOIS, JANUARY 1877
Chicago Tribune:
The Court of Arbitration
THERE CAN be no mistaking the universal sentiment of the public with reference to the condition of political affairs at Washington. The public demand peace, and they demand this peace with sublime indifference as to its effect upon the hopes and prospects of the expectant Postmasters, Collectors, Gangers, and Tide-waiters. Every man in the land has an opinion of his own as to whether HAYES or TILDEN was legally and fairly elected. This opinion may be influenced by his previous political preferences; but, outside of the mob of office-seekers and office-holders, there are but few persons in either party who are not willing to accept any honest and fair decision of the case, no matter which candidate may by that decision be counted in.
The country suffered through the long campaign from May to November from the general disturbance, excitement, alarm, and distrust. On more than one occasion during that campaign the country was brought to the verge of civil war; and the President was compelled, in order to prevent a war of races, to station troops in several States to preserve the peace. The close of the polls on election-day without a war was accepted as a great relief; but that relief to the public mind was of short duration. The result of the election was for a time uncertain, and, when finally ascertained, was clouded with charges of fraud, violence, unfairness, and bribery. The worst passions of the previous campaign were again excited, and the country was brought to the contemplation of the fact that the 4th of March will see two persons proclaimed President, each organizing a Government, each claiming to be elected, and each supported by one of the Houses of Congress. The outcome of such a condition of affairs must be eventually the settlement of the conflicting claims by compromise and arbitration, or by war and the arbitrament of the sword. At this juncture, a joint committee of the two Houses of Congress have reported a scheme by which this settlement of all the questions by an arbitration shall take place first, leaving revolution, war, and anarchy out of the business altogether. Mr. LINCOLN told the Rebels that even at the end of a war there would have to be a settlement, and it would save years of distress and bloodshed to have the settlement first, and omit the war. The suggestion is as timely now as it was in 1861. Mr. HAYES’ right to the office must be determined by law or by arms: why not have the legal settlement now, and dispense with that of force?
There are four hundred thousand people in Chicago who are directly affected by this threatened disturbance. The value of property is depressed; the volume of business is decreased; the employment of labor is arrested; industrial occupation is restricted. The hoarding of money and its withdrawal from business have been extensive, not only in Chicago but all over the country. Capital is withdrawn from investment. No man ventures into new business. The earnings of labor have been largely reduced, and business and trade paralyzed, because of the complications which threaten to produce the Mexican plan of having two or more Governments always on hand, each claiming to be the lawful one.
There is not a mechanic or a laborer in Chicago whose condition has not been seriously injured by the protracted disturbance of confidence caused by the violence of the Presidential contest and its subsequent complications. There is not a stonecutter, mason, carpenter,
painter, wheelwright, blacksmith, shoemaker, harnessmaker, tanner, or iron or steel worker, or any person engaged in mechanical or other labor, whose wages, income, and even employment, have not been injured, and seriously, by the general paralysis of business produced by this threatened conflict, involving the erection and maintenance of rival claimants and rival Governments. When one man or ten men lock up their money, withdraw it from use, it is lost to general business, and the loss falls directly upon those who live by their daily earnings.
Six months ago there was a decided improvement in general business. There were larger sales, larger production, more employment, and more money distributed. That improvement was delayed in becoming general because of the pending election. Everywhere, all over the land, preparations were made for a grand revival of production that was to follow the close of the Presidential election. But that election was not closed; the contest put on new shapes; the two Houses of Congress assumed irreconcilable attitudes; and the madness of party has since then threatened revolution and civil war.
The country demands peace; it cares nothing personally for HAYES or TILDEN, or this or that party; and when the means are offered for a prompt, final, and peaceful adjudication of the whole difficulty by a majority of the Judges of the Supreme Court, it will hold every man and every party guilty of a great national wrong who shall defeat such an adjudication. While the banks and the Boards of Trade all over the country are unanimous in favor of this peaceful settlement, they are not as deeply interested in it as are the vast armies of men who are members of the labor unions, whose means of support for themselves and families are cut off and destroyed by the general prostration, from which there can be no revival and no recovery until this question shall be settled.
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