The gros-bon-ange occupies a position subordinate to that of the guardian soul. Nevertheless it is he who is responsible for the faculties of thought and feeling: for our whole affective and intellectual life, in short. He is closely connected with the body and leaves it only to wander far afield during the night. What he sees and experiences in these nocturnal excursions forms the matter of our dreams. When a gros-bon-ange fails to rejoin his carnal abode in the morning the person concerned sinks into a profound lethargy. The spirits sold by some sorcerers to clients are gros-bon-anges which they have managed to capture. They are called zombi but they must not be confused with the flesh-and-blood individuals—the mindless slaves of sorcerers who have stolen their souls.
4—RITUAL
I.—RITUAL
It is too often assumed that Voodoo ceremonies are mysteries from which the profane are excluded. This is not the case. True, certain rites, that of initiation for instance, are veiled from the sight of the uninitiated, but services—unless tainted with black magic—take place in public. The head of a sanctuary will debar only people liable to create a disturbance or people whom he regards as enemies. Any white visitor is usually well received and has only to put up with the importunities of beggars—and sometimes of the hunsi. Provided he is prepared to pay a few gourdes{67} for the privilege of seeing an impressive spectacle, then he will be treated as a guest of honour and the loa will not fail to do him a few small favours.
There has for long been much amused or indignant commentary on the number of Catholic practices which are mixed in, during ceremonies, with African ritual. We shall go into them in detail in Chapter VI. On the other hand, it would seem insufficient emphasis has been placed on the influences which have affected Voodoo ritual to a lesser extent; for instance the army. The parading of flags, the play made with swords, the aux champs (flourish) of the orchestra were all borrowed from military life and bear witness to the chauvinistic spirit of the Haitian nation. Has Freemasonry also contributed its quota to Voodoo ceremonial? People say so. They even insist that some hungan are affiliated to lodges. Certain it is that in some symbolic devices of the gods masonic signs may be recognized. There are even loa masons, such as Agassu, Agau and Linglessu. For all this, masonic influence on Voodoo has been weak and is limited to a few superficial touches.
The originality of Voodoo lies as much in the multiplicity of its social uses as in the disparity of the many different elements which it has managed to absorb smoothly. To grasp its true nature, we should remember that each ceremony is also an opportunity or pretext for profane rejoicing. Certain Voodoo society leaders, anxious to revivify the lustre of the rites they were celebrating, have striven to introduce a vein that was spectacular, almost theatrical. Evincing a genuine talent for showmanship they turned to good account the darkness, lights, fires, processions and dresses, in fact anything which would help to inspire the hearts of the poor, who frequented their humfo, with an illusion of magnificence and mystery.
At first sight the richness of the ritual and the respect for the traditions of ‘Guinea Africa’, which the priests use as their authority, might suggest that Voodoo was tainted with rigid formalism. In fact it is nothing of the kind. Considerable freedom is left to the imagination of an officiating priest and he can always set off his ceremonies with new and piquant details provided he respects the basic general scheme. Every sanctuary has its own individual style which often reflects the personality of the hungan or mambo in charge. The same ceremony can show many variants according to the region in which it takes place. In describing a Voodoo ceremony allowance should always be made for this personal factor—otherwise too general a value will be attributed to every detail, and significance seen where perhaps it does not exist.
All the various activities treated as sacred in Voodoo, form a large—perhaps too large—part of ritual. To spare the reader minute descriptions I have thought it best to separate from the mass of our observations the basic elements which together constitute what the Haitians call ‘a service’. Connoisseurs of Voodoo will no doubt reproach me with many omissions, but these seemed necessary if analysis were to be kept lucid.{68}
II.—THE RITUAL SALUTATIONS
The purpose of ceremonies is often obscured by the innumerable casual practices which complicate ritual. This is the case with the salutations—gestures or attitudes of the officiants which are marks of respect for each other, and for the spirits and sacred objects. Here, on the divine level, we find the same etiquette which in West Africa governs relations between social inferiors and superiors. The subtleties of this interplay are taught at initiation.
The code of manners has its nuances and these are reflected in the various gestures and positions. How, for instance does a hunsi greet a mambo? Facing her squarely, she will turn first to the right, then to the left and then again to the right. After each turn she will drop a deferential curtsey (a cassé) bending her knees and leaning slightly backwards. Then she will prostrate herself before the mambo and kiss the ground three times. The mambo replies to this homage by taking the hunsi’s hand at the moment when she gets up from the ground, and making her pirouette three times. These ‘twirls’ (virés), which have no equivalent in Africa, suggest the figures of the minuet. Since the ground is only kissed before a superior, good form demands that a person so saluted by someone only slightly his junior, should hasten to refuse such an obeisance and seize the hand of the man or woman on the point of self-prostration. Persons of equal rank go into a ‘twirl’ at the same moment; taking each other’s hands, they turn together in such a way as to bring their foreheads and the backs of their heads alternately into contact. Another form of greeting between hunsi is to grip both of each other’s hands, with arms crossed, and flex knees together.
If in the course of ceremonies pirouettes and prostrations become monotonous then it must be remembered that such marks of respect are not only for the dignitaries present but also for the spirits who are coming to incarnate themselves in their ‘horses’. It is only right people should accord them equal courtesies so that in return they may be ‘twirled’ by them.
The greetings which priests exchange among themselves are of a quite indescribable complexity and loaded, in every detail, with symbolic meaning. These ritual courtesies or gangance are always carried out ‘four-sided’ (en carré), that is to say they must be repeated towards all four cardinal points. The hungan turn right round three times before facing each other. Extending their rattles they shake them for a few moments, stoop and rap them on the ground, then, walking towards each other, they take each other by the arm and turn together. When the greeting is between hungan and mambo they strike their rattles against the palm of their left hands or rub each other’s hands with an undulating movement of the wrist. All movement is done in a dance-step and is followed by a triple kiss on the mouth or by a simultaneous prostration—un baiser terre.
Every rite has its own peculiar salutations. When two people of rank meet each other in the course of a petro ceremony they alternately raise their hands to the height of their eyes, then with bent arms bring their left elbows into contact, and then their right elbows. They hook the little fingers of each hand together and end with a sort of accolade in three-part-time, shoulder against shoulder.
The ‘ground kiss’ is carried out, not only before human beings and gods, but also before sacred objects—the threshold of the sanctuary, poteau-mitan, drums, vèvè, etc. Whenever the name of one of the humfo’s protecting loa is mentioned in prayer the hunsi prostrate themselves for a triple ‘ground kiss’, or, touching the ground with their fingers, they then raise the fingers to their lips. The same thing happens when during a prayer mention is made of hungan, mambo or the hunsi-kanzo. The dignitaries of the society limit themselves to a mild striking of the ground with their rattles.
Any distinguished visitor is greeted by drums rolling out the aux champs, a courtesy to which you are expected to reply by offering a few gourdes. These you clamp against the per
spiring foreheads of the musicians or put in their mouths.
III.—THE FLAG PARADE
Each sanctuary possesses at least two flags which symbolize the society attached to it. They are expensive objects, made of silk or velvet fringed with gilt and covered with glittering spangles. The embroidery is purely decorative but often includes inscriptions or the outline, in silhouette, of sacred emblems or of a saint identified with some loa. The association between flags and the army must surely be the reason why most of the flags bear an armed and helmeted figure on a rearing horse—none other than Ogu-ferraille under the guise of Saint James the Elder. Their colour is red—the red of this warrior god. Their hardwood shafts are surmounted with an ornamental, slanting S.
The flags are kept in the sanctuary, along with other objects used in worship. They are brought out at the beginning of a ceremony or when a ‘great loa’ possesses one of the faithful. Also, important visitors are entitled to the honour of walking beneath two crossed flags. When the moment comes to fetch these flags, the flag party, which consists of two hunsi, goes into the sanctuary escorted by the la-place waving his sword. They come out backwards and then literally charge into the peristyle behind their guide who is now twirling his weapon. The choir of hunsi intones a hymn to Sogbo, protector of flags. The trio manoeuvres and from the four cardinal points salutes the poteau-mitan, the drums, the dignitaries of the society and finally any distinguished guests, each according to his rank. The la-place and the standard-bearers prostrate themselves in turn before them. These show their respect by kissing the guard of the sabre, the staff of the flag, and make the la-place and the standard-bearers pirouette. The return of the standards is accomplished in a remarkable rite: the two hunsi, still preceded by the la-place pointing his sabre before him, run round the poteau-mitan, often making quick changes of direction. This musical-ride goes on till the la-place leads them off towards the sanctuary door through which, having first recoiled from it three times, they pass at the double.
IV.—INVOCATION FORMULAE
For every great loa there exist invocation formulae and these constitute the most singular examples of oral ritual. They are catalogues of saints’ names, surnames and odds and ends of Creole or langage phrases. The use of these formulae is in line with an African tradition: the gods of the Dahomey pantheon are likewise greeted with stereotyped phrases the meaning of which is obscure. There is magic in these formulae and they help to make the loa come down. Here are two samples: ‘Au nom Monsieur Damballah-wèdo-tôka-mirwazè, dâ, sa lavatyo pasa wilinò wilimê odâ kòsikòs odâ kòsikòsa odâ ayika siuka, odâ owèdo nêmê odâ misu wèdo, diêké, Damballah-wèdo têgi nêg ak-â-syel.’ Invocation to Brisé: ‘Par pouvoir Brisé montagne, nèg krasé lez o, nèg krasé le mâmb, nèg kasa mâblabila kôgo, bila lûvemba,’ etc.
Probably the langage texts are more or less distorted phrases from Fon liturgy. Mme Comhaire-Sylvain quoted an invocation of Guédé, ‘Zo wan-wé sobadi sobo kalisso’, which in Fon is the same formula as: ‘zo wenne sobadi sogbo kolissou...‘ This seems to be an appeal to the god of tombs and death for his co-operation in a criminal design. The language employed appears to be not ordinary Fon but some secret language understood by a few initiates.
V.—THE LIBATIONS
In the eyes of voodooists, libations of water performed in front of the sacred objects amount to ‘salutations’. At the beginning of, and several times during ceremonies, the hungan or mambo, equipped with a pitcher called the ‘cooling pitcher’, carries out three libations in front of the poteau-mitan—or four if it is done facing the four cardinal points. He then kisses the central-post three times and moves towards the drums which he greets by striking the ground with his rattle and by ‘throwing’ water three times. These greetings are then repeated by all the dignitaries present. The priest who has poured a libation to Legba at the entrance to the peristyle, takes care when he comes back to sprinkle a trail behind him right up to the poteau-mitan, so as to lure the spirits to come in and appear.
VI.—ORIENTATION RITES
The different forms of salutations are not the only ritual actions to be repeated continually during ceremonies. If you watch the movements of an officiant you will see that he never picks up an object associated with the cult—be it plateful of flour, sacrificial knife, pitcher of water, chairs for dignitaries to sit on during ‘Guinea prayers’, kindling wood for the boulé-zin etc.—without quickly presenting it to the four points of the compass. This concern with orientation extends to offerings and, as we shall see, to the victims of the blood sacrifices. Loa—that is to say people possessed—raise the hands of those upon whom they wish to confer ‘luck’ four times in succession towards the sky. When a man ‘orientates’ an object he says ‘God the Father, God the Son and God the Holy Ghost,’ or ‘Apo Lisa, gbadia tamènâ dabò’. In this formula, probably Fon, the name of Lisa occurs—Lisa being the sun-god of Dahomey. No doubt some link exists between this rite of orientation and that which consists of rocking extremely heavy objects, such as the cisterns containing the water for the ‘Christmas bath’, three times.
VII.—MATERIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF DIVINITY
Spirits revealing themselves in people to whom they lend their own customary features and mannerisms, have no need of statues or images in order to be conceived as anthropomorphous. Sanctuaries are decorated with images of saints identified with loa, but as I have already shown, this assimilation is entirely superficial and has scarcely affected the way in which spirits are represented to the faithful.
In Haiti it is the symbolic drawings, called vèvè, which fulfil the functions elsewhere devolving upon statues and images. These are traced out, according to the nanchon of the loa whose emblem the officiant wishes to represent, in flour made from corn or maize, brick-dust or powdered bark, ashes or even coffee-grounds. The procedure is as follows: the officiant takes from a plate a pinch of powder or flour which he lets slip from between his index-finger and thumb in such a way as to leave a thin regular line. Thus he traces out geometrical motifs, objects or animals which may cover fairly large areas. Some vévé, comprising the symbols of several gods, stretch from one end of the peristyle to the other. Usually they are arranged symmetrically round the poteau-mitan. While they are being traced out the hunsi choir sings:
Vèvè-lò sé hûnsi ki fè hûngâ
Hûnsi tôbé hûngâ lévé atò
Vèvè-lò sé hûnsi ki fè hûngâ
Vèvè-lo it is the hunsi who makes the hungan
Hunsi falls down the hungan then
Vèvè-lo it is the hunsi who makes the hungan
Each vèvè is consecrated by putting on it little piles of grilled maize and other dried foodstuffs which are sprinkled with acassan,{69} kola, rum or any other drink. Each libation is made three times over. The hungan shakes his rattle over the drawings, mumbling ritual formulae in langage. Finally a lighted candle is placed on the vèvè. The hungan and the other dignitaries of the humfo come in turn and ‘throw’ water on the outline as a form of ‘salutation’.
These vèvè reveal the presence of the god in a tangible form. On them are laid the offerings for the loa and the bodies of sacrificed victims. When chalked on cult accessories, vèvè constitute the ‘mark’ of the god and are intended to establish a close link between the object and the divinity. In the boulé-zin ceremony each pot is placed on the symbol of whatever loa will be invoked during the climax of the fire ritual.
These emblematic drawings have a magical nature. Merely by tracing them out a priest puts pressure on the loa and compels them to appear. Their function is to summon loa. In order to oblige a person possessed by Damballah-wèdo to come down from the tree in which he or she has perched you have merely to trace out snakes in white flour on the ground. These are the loa’s symbols and if you add to them an egg dimpled into a little pile of flour, the loa will be irresistibly attracted by the magic of the vèvè and then of the offering.
Though the vèvè are Dahomean in origin their a
ctual style is clearly European, as may be seen from an examination of figure 7. The scrolls and traceries recall the iron-work and embroidery motifs of the eighteenth century. French inspiration is as evident in them as it is in some of the folklore music and dances. In spite of the stylization, characteristic attributes of loa may be easily recognized: the sabre of Ogu, the boat of Agwé, the serpent of Damballah, the heart of Ezili, the dishes of the twins etc. The stars which may be seen round the main motif are called ‘stopping points’ (points d’arrestation) or simply ‘decoration marks’ (points d’embellissement).
Not all mambo or hungan are equally gifted in tracing vèvè. Some show a sureness of touch and speed of execution which is absolutely prodigious. In less than half an hour they cover a space several metres square with perfectly symmetrical drawings—and this without the slightest rubbing-out.
Other objects too can symbolize loa and partake of their sacred nature. The mere attributes—sabre of Ogu, crutch of Legba, wrought-iron snake of Damballah, cross of Baron-Samedi—are enough to convey identity and witness a presence as clearly as any statue, though such emblems are not surrounded with the reverence which would be the due of idols. Many libations are poured out at the foot of Legba’s crutches, but the latter are merely a simple accessory for the use of people possessed by that god. An iron bar can symbolize more than one god—Criminel, Lemba, Zau, Adum in particular. The big cemetery crosses or those which crop up round humfo, consecrated to Guédé, are probably the things which come nearest in Voodoo to tangible representation of a divinity.
Voodoo in Haiti Page 17
