by John W. Dean
Kastigar vs. United States, 706n160
U.S. v. Ehrlichman et al., 546n
U.S. v. Mitchell et al., xx, 705n152
U.S. v. Solow, 631
Sussman, Barry, 46
Symington, Stuart, 557n
Szulc, Tad, 17, 32
Talmadge, Herman, 602, 622
Tanaka, Kakuei, 138
Tasca, Henry, 255, 261, 262
Taubman, Philip, 687n41
Thieu, Nguyen Van, 252
Thomas, Helen, 64, 66–67
Thomas, Jane, 240
Thomas, Jo, 687n41
Thompson, Fred, 228, 230, 231, 241, 597–99, 608, 611, 617, 626, 629, 690n8, 715n56
Thompson, Jim, 447
Thompson, J. Marsh, 522
Thurmond, Strom, 551
Time, 52, 143–44, 147, 164, 166, 169, 173, 226, 242, 243, 580, 587, 682n18
Timmons, Bill, 108, 150, 214n, 228, 230, 495, 612, 627
Titus, Harold, 54, 407, 410, 448, 449, 472, 519, 520
Tkach, Walter, 625, 628
Today, 235
Tower, John, 683n7
Truman, Harry, 101, 106n, 129, 204n, 219, 248, 252, 257, 274, 298
Truman, Margaret, 204n
Tunney, John, 221, 253, 258
Twenty-sixth Amendment, 94
Tyler, Harold R., Jr., 565
Ulasewicz, Tony, 271, 295, 687n41
Dean’s testimony and, 399
United Flight Number 553, 185
United States (U. S.) Attorney’s Office, 5–6, 41, 80, 97, 100, 107, 109, 140, 212, 242, 343, 393, 397, 402, 405, 410, 412, 413, 418, 429, 431, 432, 434, 448, 469, 475, 478, 509, 519, 522n, 544, 595n, 633n15, 668n11, 693n30, 697n19, 702n102, 703nn114, 117, 704n128
U.S.S.R., 112, 452, 461
U.S. v. Ehrlichman et al., 546n
U.S. v. Mitchell et al., xx, 705n152
U.S. v. Solow, 631
Vaughan, Harry H., 106n
Vesco, Robert, 302, 324, 385, 489, 500, 517, 554, 556, 621, 703n114
Vietnam Veterans Against the War, 106, 107, 124
Vietnam War, 1, 28, 73, 130, 157n, 230n, 357, 452, 569, 681n17
bombing strategy in, 193, 194, 195, 358
Chicago Seven and, 695n3
Kissinger and, 195, 196n
peace settlement efforts, 175–77, 185, 193, 196, 276, 681n17
Pentagon Papers and, see Pentagon Papers
Vinson, Fred, 456
Wallace, George, 8, 97, 323
Wall Street Journal, 251
Walters, Johnnie, 156, 677n32
Walters, Vernon “Dick,” 54, 56, 57, 60–62, 65, 68, 79, 99–101, 250, 557–62m, 565, 569, 570, 572, 574, 575, 577, 670–71n15, 672nn1, 2, 715n56
Warren, Earl, 152
Warren, Gerald, 151, 175, 495, 718n2
Washington Daily News, 80
Washington Evening-Star, 465
Washington Post, 5–6, 8, 17, 22, 25, 26, 32, 46–50, 53, 54, 64–66, 94, 97, 106, 120n, 128, 131–32, 143, 144, 147–50, 153, 159–71, 174, 177, 189, 191–92, 195–97, 203–5, 209–10, 212n, 219, 224, 246, 249, 254, 257–59, 262, 264, 271–72, 288, 341, 354, 410, 413, 422–23, 447, 458, 465, 489, 506, 519, 522, 523, 544, 566, 569–70, 576, 595n, 610, 612–14, 625, 668–69n3, 678n19, 679n29, 686n26, 697n19, 705n157
Dean stories in, 475, 476, 479, 515, 705n141
Haldeman and, 175–76, 475, 476
headlines covering trial in, 682n19
leaks to, 160
Washington Star, 195
Watergate break-in, 649–51
arrests following, xvii, xviii, 2–11, 148–49, 151, 153, 155, 160, 164, 240, 269, 574, 601
Bledsoe and, 662–64n15
collapse of cover-up of, 388
conspiracy case in, see conspiracy
cover-up scenarios for, 32–45, 85–86, 88–93, 95
Dean as scapegoat for, 435, 465, 466, 469, 701n84
and Dean’s “cancer on the presidency” warning, 309, 333–34, 336, 484, 497
Dean’s March 21 conversation with Nixon on facts of, 308–27, 393, 395–97, 416, 419–21, 435–36, 442–43, 456, 497–502, 504–6, 508, 510–12, 518, 520, 538, 540–43, 550, 555–56, 582, 584, 698n34, 703–4n120, 709–10n54
Dean’s report on, 146, 151, 183–85, 188, 189, 240, 277–81, 285–91, 293, 296, 297, 299–301, 307, 333, 339, 342, 351–52, 355, 378, 414, 418, 421–23, 431–32, 434–35, 446, 452, 455, 468, 518, 567, 675nn11, 12, 680n10
Dean’s statement on, 465, 466, 484, 701n84
Democrats’ civil suit and, 36, 48, 65, 119, 121, 124, 142, 144, 147, 152, 160, 369–70, 676n25
Ehrlichman’s investigation of, 362, 409, 418, 453, 457
Ehrlichman’s theory of, 282–84
first entry into offices, 676n27
first press conference related to, 46–52, 53
news leaks about investigation of, 120
Nixon’s “can’t cover this thing up” phrase and, 93
Nixon’s defense and, see Nixon defense
Nixon’s idea of cover-up as vs. someone at lower level being held accountable for, 109–10
Nixon’s possible taking of initiative in dealing with, 347–48
Nixon’s request for report on, 183–85, 277–81, 285–91, 293, 295, 297–301, 333
number of Nixon-Dean conversations on, 457n
obstruction of justice in, see obstruction of justice
payoff money and, 185–86, 189, 391, 392, 395, 553
Republican Convention’s overshadowing of stories on, 143–44
Senate Committee investigation of, see Senate Watergate committee
“smoking gun” conversation and, xxi, 43, 55–60
Watergate break-in, grand jury and, 115–18, 120–22, 125, 135, 139–42, 145, 149, 150, 164, 167, 213, 253, 315, 329n, 332, 343, 352, 524
and concern over Magruder’s testimony, 104, 105–41
indictments, 33n, 69, 115–22, 125, 126, 132, 135, 138–40, 144, 149, 151, 153, 154, 159
Watergate Hotel, search of, 5
Watergate Special Prosecution Force (WSPF), xx, xxii
Watergate trial, 171, 191, 201, 202–7, 209–10, 211, 253, 335
appeals in, 229, 246, 253
bail hearings in, 211
clemency for defendants in, 102, 202–3, 207, 245, 297, 320, 324–26, 332, 345, 353, 354, 390–91, 396, 403, 409, 416, 493–94, 523, 549, 577, 481, 584, 616, 713n78
Fifth Amendment and, 101, 106, 113, 134, 204, 208, 213, 236, 341, 346, 349n, 358–59, 381, 384, 440, 484, 517, 530, 602
Hunt and, 196, 204–6, 208, 211, 265
imprisonment of defendants in, 244, 245
Liddy and, 204, 206, 210, 213, 228, 245–46, 265
McCord and, 205, 210, 213, 228, 245–46, 265, 304, 305
sentencing in, 213, 286, 326, 327, 334–35, 341, 342, 371, 392
Watergate trial, immunity for defendants in, 113–14, 122, 134, 223, 347, 351, 383, 400, 431, 434, 436, 440, 441, 443, 444, 446, 499, 508, 599
Dean, 412, 424, 431, 433–34, 438, 440, 444, 456–58, 461, 463, 471, 484, 487, 492, 507–8, 510, 522, 529, 530, 546, 550, 567, 598, 600, 622, 702n97, 703n111, 704nn120, 134, 706n160, 711n30
Watergate trial, money for defendants in, 321–23, 329, 337, 353, 368–69, 373, 377, 402, 416, 427, 436, 449, 453, 463, 470–74, 477, 482, 489, 494, 496, 506, 511–12, 591, 506–7, 511–12, 542n, 552, 566, 581, 584, 585, 593, 595, 611, 690n8, 692n4, 697n27, 701n89, 704n138, 731n79, 715n56
Dean and, 466, 482–83
Dorothy Hunt and, 192, 317, 385, 463, 477, 523, 713n79
Ehrlichman and, 216, 398, 402, 463, 466, 467, 470–72, 474, 482–83, 697n27
Haldeman and, 317, 329, 336, 337, 353, 369, 398, 402, 412, 453, 455, 463, 467, 470, 473, 476, 697n27, 709n54
Hunt and, 296–97, 300 308, 318–19, 320, 322–25, 332, 338, 396, 398, 419, 436, 453–55, 467, 468, 470–71, 476–77, 479, 482, 484, 542, 601–2, 704n138, 705n152, 709n54
Kalmbach and, 323, 369, 373, 398, 416, 474, 477, 482, 508–9
Mitchell and, 125, 216,
262, 329, 369, 373, 453, 454, 470, 482, 506, 508–9, 511, 595, 601–2, 683–84n10, 688n27, 697n27
Watson, Marvin, 112
Weather Underground, 225n
Webster, George, 196
Weicker, Lowell, 360, 362, 576, 619
Weiner, Lee, 695n3
White, Byron “Whizzer,” 245, 711n30
White, Harry Dexter, 273
White House Communications Agency, 2
White House Correspondents’ Association, 406–8, 422
White House counsel, 448
question of who is client of, 700n66
White House plumbers, see Special Investigations Unit
Will (Liddy), 689n6
Williams, Edward Bennett, 33, 41, 81, 147, 148, 679n29
Wills, Frank, 6
Wilson, Jerry, 182
Wilson, John J., 446–49, 461, 463, 467, 468, 471–72, 472–75, 486–91, 495, 503, 510, 532, 533
Wilson, Will, 66
wiretaps, 3, 80, 129n, 216, 224–25, 242, 284, 350, 377, 457, 557, 559, 562–64, 575, 580, 693n41, 700n75
Witcover, Jules, 354, 410, 413
Wong, Al, 5
Woodward, Bob, 17, 32, 46, 53, 120n, 121, 128n, 148, 149, 162–64, 168, 175, 191–92, 208–9, 224, 422–23, 519, 521, 529, 569–70, 610–11, 629, 669n3, 674n20, 678n19, 686n26, 702n102, 705n141, 718n5
Woods, Joe, 348, 401
Woods, Rose Mary, 8, 71, 94, 137, 159, 192, 328, 348, 365, 516, 521, 548, 554, 564, 585, 592, 598, 601, 623, 627, 708n28, 713n79, 716–17n101
Wright, Charles Alan, 588, 593, 634
Young, David, 48n, 91, 215, 224, 319, 329n, 338, 350, 350n, 531, 545–46, 607, 662n11, 691n18, 706n165
Ellsberg break-in and, 546
Young, Lawrence, 169
Ziegler, Ron, 2, 4, 17, 40, 44–45, 48, 67, 69, 70, 76, 78–80, 92, 102, 154, 167, 168, 184, 189–91, 246, 252, 254, 257, 272–76, 277–79, 288, 296, 346, 348, 360, 361, 367, 372, 374–76, 379, 388, 393, 418, 419, 422–24, 426, 441, 444–45, 454–58, 465–66, 479, 483, 485–86, 489, 495, 504, 507, 509, 510, 517, 519–22, 526–31, 537, 544, 548–52, 554, 563, 564–68, 570–72, 577, 578, 582, 584, 586–88, 590, 592, 597–604, 606, 608, 609, 611, 613, 620, 622–25, 628, 632, 649, 669n5, 699n57, 702n104
Dean and, 445, 450, 452, 454–55, 457–58, 465, 475
Dean report and, 277, 278, 675n11
Dean’s statement and, 465, 466
Ehrlichman and, 372
FBI agents and, 543
Haldeman and, 167, 375, 376
Haldeman and Ehrlichman’s resignations and, 535
and first Watergate-related press conference, 47, 51, 52
and Nixon’s statement on Dean’s investigation, 146, 151
Segretti and, 165
Senate Watergate committee and, 215, 216
“Statements About the Watergate Investigations” white paper and, 578–81
and telephone in plumbers’ office, 191n
Washington Post and, 170–71, 175–76
Watergate trial and, 204
* It is clear today what was erased and why, but as to who did it, while the list of candidates can be narrowed, the actual culprit cannot be established beyond a reasonable doubt. The gap story is 99.9 percent news media hype and 0.1 percent significant to understanding Watergate. See Appendix B.
* This information had to come from Ehrlichman, Mitchell or Magruder, because it had not been reported in the newspapers. Before hearing this tape, I was unaware of this information.
* Haldeman was referring to the White House staff only, namely himself and aides Larry Higby and Alex Butterfield. The Secret Service, which installed and monitored the recording system, similarly kept knowledge restricted to only those who were needed to keep it functioning properly.
* There are many Johns who come up during the recorded conversations: John Ehrlichman, John Mitchell, John Connally, John Dean, etc. Typically both the president and Haldeman refer only to Ehrlichman as John, while for others they use the last name. For clarity, when confusion is possible I have either replaced the “John” with the appropriate last name or added it in brackets.
* Haldeman, who was still sorting out the facts, had this particular one wrong. He would later learn it was Alfred Baldwin, who worked for James McCord, who used this line-of-sight room. After the arrests on June 17, Hunt went there to give Baldwin instructions to pack up the listening equipment and get out of town. Hunt and Liddy had been in the Watergate Hotel rooms that had been occupied by the Miami-based burglars.
* Often there are misstatements in the conversations, and I have not given them a sic; rather, when it is an important fact, or a clear effort to mislead, I have noted it either in the narrative or a in footnote.
* See Appendix A.
* Ehrlichman would be indicted and convicted for perjury for his grand jury testimony on May 3, 1973, when he denied any knowledge of Liddy’s name coming up during any meetings he attended during the week following the arrests at the Watergate. The prosecutors, however, did not have this remarkable information recorded by Haldeman. Count Eleven, Indictment, U.S. v. Mitchell et al. (March 1, 1974).
* Liddy falsely claimed I had made the commitment, but I told Mardian and LaRue that it was untrue, not to mention that I certainly had no such authority. Today I realize this was a standard Liddy manipulative tactic.
* According to the telephone logs of acting FBI director Patrick Gray, Ehrlichman called him at 9:35 A.M., as Haldeman was meeting with the president. Gray later said that Ehrlichman simply told him (which I had not in fact been informed of): “John Dean is going to be handling an inquiry into this thing for the White House. He’s expecting your call.” Gray further claims he told Ehrlichman, “As far as the FBI is concerned, we’re treating this as a major special with all our normal procedures in effect. It’s going to be an aggressive and thorough investigation, and I expect we will be interviewing people at the White House. We’ll need to set up procedural safeguards against leaks.” L. Patrick Gray III with Ed Gray, In Nixon’s Web: A Year in the Crosshairs of Watergate (New York: Times Books, 2008), 63. Gray’s reconstruction is highly doubtful: There was no White House inquiry conducted by me, and if Gray was bracing the White House for an aggressive “major special” investigation, Ehrlichman would likely have shared this fact with someone—which he did not—for he would very much be subject to it. At the time, Gray hoped to be nominated director, and such a statement to Ehrlichman would have assured that he would not get it. Ed Gray, who authored this book, relied on the reconstructed conversation in his father’s testimony. This was surely a conversation both Gray and Ehrlichman later wanted to forget had taken place.
* This information could only have come from Mitchell, and it appears, at best, to have been pure speculation. When Liddy had spoken with Mardian and LaRue on the afternoon of June 20, 1972, his position was that his involvement would never be discovered, and he resisted Mardian’s suggestion that he give himself up. See testimony of Robert Mardian, 6 Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities (SSC), 2359. Rather than confessing, Liddy was busy creating new problems—a conspiracy to obstruct justice by demanding money to take care of all those involved in the mess he had created.
* The National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) tape for this telephone conversation, No. 25-116, is inaudible, so only the EOB room recording of the conversation is available.
* A navy yeoman, Charles Radford, had taken documents from the National Security Council and Henry Kissinger’s office and given them to officials at the Pentagon, who wanted to know what was occurring inside Nixon’s NSA. Some of this information had later appeared in Jack Anderson’s syndicated column and became the focus of a major investigation by David Young for the Special Investigations Unit, aka the plumbers. Haldeman, though, was not certain anything had actually been taken, as opposed to copies having been made.
* When revealed by order of the U.S. Supreme Court in late July 1974, this became known as the “smoking gun” conversa
tion, because it was viewed as hard evidence, demonstrating beyond question, that Nixon’s final defense about the Watergate break-in in his April 30, 1973, speech, followed by his May 22, 1973, statement, was bogus, which doomed the Nixon presidency. Ironically, this conversation has been mistakenly understood as an effort by Nixon and Haldeman to shut down the FBI’s entire Watergate investigation. This appears to be the case only when viewed out of context. In August 1974, when the converstion was revealed, and Nixon and his lawyers had to focus on this conversation, he had long forgotten what was actually involved; they assumed it had the same meaning as everyone else did. In reality, it was only an effort by Haldeman to stop the FBI from investigating an anonymous campaign contribution from Mexico that the Justice Department prosecutors had already agreed was outside the scope of the Watergate investigation. In approving this action, however, Nixon slightly expanded the request, saying that the FBI should also stay out of Howard Hunt’s CIA-related activities. In fact, this conversation did not put the lie to Nixon’s April 30 and May 22, 1973, statements, and had Nixon known that he might have survived its disclosure to fight another day. This is not to say, however, that Nixon’s April 30 and May 22, 1973, statements were not a lie, as countless other conversations later revealed. In short, the smoking gun was only firing blanks.
* The president’s U.S. Supreme Court nominee, Harrold Carswell, was rejected by the U.S. Senate.
* In January 1971, Mitchell’s Justice Department indicted Philip Berrigan and others (known as the “Harrisburg Seven”) for purportedly trying to kidnap Henry Kissinger and blow up federal buildings. The jury did not believe the charges and acquitted all.
* In August 1971, black intellectual and radical Angela Davis was indicted by Mitchell’s Justice Department for murder, kidnapping and conspiracy, charges relating to an escape of prisoners from a federal courtroom, only to be later found not guilty on all counts by an all-white jury.
* On December 29, 1971, Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony Russo were indicted by Mitchell’s Justice Department on fifteen counts of theft of government documents and espionage in connection with leaking the Pentagon Papers. The case was pending in federal court in California, and the fact that Haldeman and the president believed the case would fail is a striking admission.
