65
For the betrothal, see Rotuli chartarum in turri Londinensi asservati, vol. I, pars 1, 1199–1216, ed. T. D. Hardy (1837). London: Record Commission, pp. 112b–113. See also R. F. Walker (2004), ‘William Marshal (II), Fifth Earl of Pembroke (c. 1190–1231), Magnate’, ODNB, available online at http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/18127, accessed on 22 April 2010.
66
Royal Letters, i, pp. 244–6 no. CCXI, esp. p. 246.
67
‘Annales prioratus de Dunstaplia’, p. 91.
68
PR, 1216–1225, p. 437 (appointment as justiciar). The Marshal held the office of justiciar in Ireland until 22 June 1226: Cal. Docs. Ireland, i, p. xxxvi, p. 209 no. 1380; GEC, x, p. 366.
69
Parsons, ‘Mothers, Daughters’, pp. 66, 68.
70
M. Howell (2002), ‘Royal Women of England and France in the Mid-Thirteenth Century: A Gendered Perspective’, in B. K. U. Weiler and I. W. Rowlands (eds), England and Europe in the Reign of Henry III (1216–1272). Aldershot: Ashgate, pp. 163–82, at p. 166.
71
K. Norgate (2004, rev. T. Reuter), ‘Matilda, Duchess of Saxony (1156–1189)’,ODNB, available online at http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/18339, accessed on 22 April 2010.
72
Shadis, Berenguela of Castile (1180–1246), pp. 24–5.
73
D. S. H. Abulafia (2004), ‘Joanna, Countess of Toulouse (1165–1199)’, ODNB, available online at http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/14818, accessed on 22 April 2010. William was born in 1154: G. A. Loud (1999), ‘William the Bad or William the Unlucky? Kingship in Sicily, 1154–1166’, Haskins Society Journal, 8, 99–113.
74
On this, see Howell, ‘Royal Women of England’, p. 166.
75
Charters of the Redvers Family and the Earldom of Devon, 1090–1217, ed. R. Bearman (1994). Exeter: Devon and Cornwall Record Society, new series, vol. 37, pp. 16, 172 no. 30.
76
Vincent, ‘Isabella of Angoulême’, pp. 175–8, 180 (table 2). In 1238, Robert, son of Robert de Courtenay, is styled the ‘king’s kinsman’: CLR, 1226–40, p. 323.
77
Vincent, ‘Isabella of Angoulême’, pp. 217–18 no. 2. In January 1217, Robert also handed over control of Exeter Castle to Isabella as her dower: PR, 1216–1225, p. 23.
78
CChR, 1226–1257, p. 102 (Luton is misidentified as Linton).
79
Pembroke’s father had obtained possession of half the count’s estates after Perche was slain at the battle of Lincoln in 1217: Painter, William Marshal, pp. 271–2; Carpenter, The Minority, pp. 244, 287; Crouch, William Marshal, pp. 137–8. Prior to this, William junior himself had been granted eight of these manors in hereditary right in 1203 on the occasion of his betrothal to his first wife, the daughter of the count of Aumale: Rotuli chartarum, i.i, pp. 112b–13.
80
Parsons, ‘Mothers, Daughters’, p. 67.
81
Wendover, i, pp. 295, 314, esp. 317. Vincent points out, though, that there is some uncertainty surrounding Isabella’s age in 1200 – she might well have been as young as nine: Vincent, ‘Isabella of Angoulême’, pp. 174–5.
82
Historia anglorum, ii, pp. 385–6, 422; Parsons, ‘Mothers, Daughters’, p. 67.
83
Historia anglorum, iii, pp. 117–18, 322, 347; Chronica majora, v, pp. 267–72, 501–2, 505–6; Parsons, ‘Mothers, Daughters’, p. 67; Nelson, ‘Scottish Queenship’, p. 74.
84
The Trotula, ed. M. H. Green (2001). Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, pp. 20, 66(4).
85
Ibid., p. 79(90).
86
See pp. 11–12.
87
Foedera, i pt i, p. 182; CPR, 1225–32, pp. 80–1; Green, Lives, ii, pp. 52–3.
88
Wendover, iii, p. 4.
89
Royal Letters, i, pp. 364–5 no. CCCII, esp. p. 364; Green, Lives, ii, p. 55 (Green confuses Nicholas with Hugh de Nevill).
90
Royal Letters, i, pp. 364–5 no. CCCII, esp. p. 364.
91
Ibid.
92
It is possible that Eleanor was in the early stages of an unsuccessful pregnancy and that her seasickness and the king’s concern for her reflected her condition. I owe this suggestion to Dr Michael Ray.
93
Royal Letters., i, pp. 364–5 no. CCCII (p. 365).
94
Ibid., i, pp. 370–1 no. CCCVII (p. 370).
95
For arrangements made by the king in late September 1230, ahead of his departure from Brittany, for Pembroke to remain overseas in his service, see CPR, 1225–32, pp. 400, 401. See also Wendover, iii, p. 7; ‘Annales de Theokesberia’, p. 76.
96
L. J. Wilkinson (2007), Women in Thirteenth-Century Lincolnshire. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, pp. 2–6.
97
For discussion, see, for example, R. E. Archer (1992), ‘ “How Ladies … Who Live on their Manors Ought to Manage their Households and Estates”: Women as Landholders and Administrators in the Later Middle Ages’, in P. J. P. Goldberg (ed.), Woman is a Worthy Wight: Women in English Society, c. 1200–1500. Stroud: Alan Sutton, pp. 149–81.
98
See, for example, S. Farmer (1986), ‘Persuasive Voices: Clerical Images of Medieval Wives’, Speculum, lxi, 517–43; S. M. Johns (2003), Noblewomen, Aristocracy and Power in the Twelfth-Century Anglo-Norman Realm. Manchester: Manchester University Press, pp. 69–70; Wilkinson, Women in Thirteenth-Century Lincolnshire, p. 78.
99
GEC, x, p. 367.
100
Reading Abbey Cartularies, ed. B. R. Kemp (1986–7). London: Royal Historical Society, Camden Fourth Series, 2 vols, ii, nos 1056 (a grant by Isabella, Countess of Pembroke, with William junior’s assent), 1057 (a grant by William junior).
101
Monasticon anglicanum, v, pp. 267–9; GEC, x, p. 367.
102
CChR, i, p. 41; GEC, x, p. 367.
103
Early Charters of the Cathedral Church of St Paul, London, ed. M. Gibb (1939). London: Royal Historical Society, nos 221–2.
104
CChR, i, pp. 167–9; GEC, x, p. 367.
105
Monsticon anglicanum, vi pt 1, p. 454 n. e. William senior and William junior also witnessed charters issued by tenants to the priory of Bradenstoke, Wilts: The Cartulary of Bradenstoke Priory, ed. V. C. M. London (1979). Devizes: Wiltshire Record Society, vol. 35, pp. 153–5 nos. 518–9, 524; Monasticon anglicanum, vi pt 1, pp. 338–9.
106
Monasticon anglicanum, vi pt 2, pp. 1134–5.
107
See, for example, Register of the Abbey of St Thomas, Dublin, ed. J. T. Gilbert (1899). London: Longman, Rolls Series, pp. 118–19 no. cxxxvii; GEC, x, p. 367, n. h.
108
See, for example, The Cartulary of Bradenstoke Priory, p. 92 no. 264.
109
Reading Abbey Cartularies, ii, no. 1056. For charters of William junior which confirmed his father’s grants to Tintern Abbey and Duisk which referred to Isabella in his pro anima requests, see Monasticon anglicanum, v, pp. 267–9; ibid. vi pt 2, p. 1135.
110
Monasticon anglicanum, vi pt 2, p. 843.
111
Ibid.
112
E. Mullally (1996), ‘The Portrayal of Women in the Histoire de Guillaume le Maréchal’, Peritia, 10, 351–62, at pp. 357–8.
113
Ibid., 358–9.
114
History of William Marshal, ii, pp. 176–9, ll. 13532–43. See also Mullally, ‘The Portrayal of Women’, 359; Crouch, William Marshal, pp. 102–8.
115
Isabella had travelled overseas when heavily pregnant in 1190: Crouch, William Marshal, p. 107. It is, though, perhaps worth noting that by 1207, Isabella was significantly older and m
ight well have regarded pregnancy as a greater physical burden.
116
History of William Marshal, ii, pp. 204–7, ll. 14067–100; Mullally, ‘The Portrayal of Women’, 359. See also History of William Marshal, ii, pp. 170–71, ll. 13378–94.
117
History of William Marshal, ii, pp. 168–9, ll. 13344–6.
118
Ibid., ii, pp. 168–9, ll. 13339, 13352.
119
Ibid., ii, pp. 244–5, l. 14860, pp. 246–7, ll. 14919–22.
120
Ibid., ii, pp. 248–9, esp. ll. 14935, 14939.
121
Ibid., ii, pp. 248–9, ll. 14948–55.
122
Ibid., ii, pp. 246–9, esp. ll. 14925–8, 14932, 14936, 14940–56.
123
Ibid., ii, pp. 248–53, ll. 14965–15027, esp. ll. 14981–7.
124
On 11 July 1230, while still in France, Henry III informed John of Monmouth, an English Marcher baron, crown agent and keeper of the forests of Buckholt, Clarendon, New and Panchet, that he had given twenty deer in his bailiwick ‘to the use of our sister, the wife of our beloved and faithful Earl William Marshal’: CR, 1227–31, p. 418. On John, see A. F. Pollard (2004), ‘Monmouth, John of (c.1182–1248)’, rev. R. R. Davies, ODNB, available online at http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/18959, accessed on 2 November 2010.
125
CR, 1227–31, p. 448.
126
‘Annales de Theokesberia’, p. 77.
127
The Royal Charter Witness Lists of Henry III (1226–1272), ed. M. Morris (2001). Kew: List and Index Society 291–2, 2 vols, i, p. 100.
128
‘Annales de Theokesberia’, p. 78.
129
CPR, 1225–32, p. 412; M. Altschul (1965), A Baronial Family in Medieval England: The Clares, 1217–1314. Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, p. 60.
130
For a brief summary, see Vincent, ‘Richard, First Earl of Cornwall’. See also Vincent, Peter des Roches, p. 266.
131
For a brief summary, see Walker, ‘Marshal, William (II), Fifth Earl of Pembroke’.
132
Vincent, ‘Richard, First Earl of Cornwall’.
133
‘Annales de Theokesberia’, p. 78.
134
Ibid.; ‘Annales de Waverleia’, p. 309. See also ‘Annales de Margan’, p. 38; ‘Annales de Wintonia’, p. 85; ‘Annales prioratus de Dunstaplia’, p. 126; ‘Annales Londonienses’, in Chronicles of the Reigns of Edward I, and Edward II, Volume I, ed. W. Stubbs (1882). London: Longman, Rolls Series, p. 30.
Notes on Chapter 3
1
Chronica majora, iii, p. 201.
2
CPR, 1225–32, p. 435.
3
An entry on the fine rolls dated 12 April 1231 recorded that the king, ‘lamenting’ William junior’s death, had committed his estates in Ireland to the keeping of Waleran the Teuton: CFR, 1230–31, nos 138–9. See also ibid., no. 174.
4
CPR, 1225–32, pp. 435–6.
5
Wendover, iii, p. 13. See also Historia anglorum, ii, p. 334.
6
Chronica majora, v, p. 235.
7
Paris referred to Eleanor as Cecily’s ‘disciple’. Paris confused Eleanor’s identity with that of her sister Joan, describing her as Joan, Countess of Pembroke: ibid., v, p. 235. On russet, see Labarge, Mistress, Maids and Men, p. 133.
8
Wendover, iii, pp. 50–1, 78; Historia anglorum, ii, pp. 355–6, 367; C. H. Lawrence (2004), ‘Edmund of Abingdon [St Edmund of Abingdon, Edmund Rich] (c.1174–1240)’,ODNB, available online at http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/8503, accessed on 30 November 2010.
9
See p. 28.
10
Wilkinson, Women in Thirteenth-Century Lincolnshire, pp. 53–4.
11
Ibid., p. 54.
12
J. S. Loengard (1993), “Rationabilis dos”: Magna Carta and the Widow’s “Fair Share” in the Earlier Thirteenth Century’, in S. S. Walker (ed.), Wife and Widow in Medieval England. Michigan: University of Michigan Press, pp. 59–80, at p. 60.
13
The widow was also to enjoy estover of common: Holt, Magna Carta, pp. 503–4.
14
CR, 1227–31, p. 493.
15
Ibid., p. 492.
16
Ibid., p. 498. Henry’s concern for his youngest sister also found a more personal expression a day later on May Day 1231, when he made Eleanor a gift of six deer from Feckenham Forest (Worcestershire), presumably for her to enjoy at Inkberrow: ibid.
17
Ibid., p. 502. For a gift that Henry made to her two days later of three tuns ‘from the king’s better wines’, see ibid., p. 504.
18
On 22 June, Henry III also ordered his English sheriffs to ensure that Eleanor was granted seisin of the ten and a half manors that had been settled on her for life in 1229: ibid., p. 518. Six days later, Thomas of Moulton and Hugh of Bath received orders that, once an extent had been made of William junior’s lands and tenements, they were to assign Eleanor ‘her reasonable dower according to the custom of the kingdom’: ibid., p. 520.
19
Ibid., pp. 527, 528.
20
There was considerable unrest among the Marshal tenants who opposed Richard Marshal’s exclusion from his Welsh and Irish lordships. Richard Marshal’s return to the king’s court in late June 1231 was also followed by the return to England from crusade of de Burgh’s rival, Peter des Roches: Vincent, Peter des Roches, pp. 272–3; Walker, ‘Hubert de Burgh and Wales’, 485–7.
21
This was with the exception of those lands in Newbury and Shrivenham that would remain in the possession of the Countess of Pembroke ‘for all her life by the king’s charter’: CR, 1227–31, p. 541.
22
Ibid., p. 555. In the following spring, when the royal court was at Marlborough, Eleanor complained to Henry that her late husband’s debtors were attempting to recover their money from her lands in Wiltshire, whereupon the king ordered the local sheriff to see that the debts were recovered from Richard Marshal’s properties instead: CR, 1231–4, p. 42.
23
For example, on 28 May 1231, the local sheriff was instructed to see that the oxen and ploughs remained on the manor of Weston (Hertfordshire) to cultivate the lands until the king should order otherwise: CR, 1227–31, p. 509. Similar arrangements were made for the ploughs on the countess’s manors of Sutton, Kemsing and Brabourne in Kent, and Luton and Toddington in Bedfordshire in July 1231: CFR, 1230–31, nos 220, 221. See Figure 3 above for a map of Eleanor’s principal English dower manors.
24
V. Hoyle (2008), ‘The Bonds that Bind: Money Lending between Anglo-Jewish and Christian Women in the Plea Rolls of the Exchequer of the Jews, 1218–80’, Journal of Medieval History, 34, 119–29, at p. 124.
25
CR, 1231–4, p. 5.
26
Ibid., p. 49.
27
CPR, 1225–32, p. 454.
28
Vincent, Peter des Roches, p. 295.
29
CR, 1231–4, pp. 144–5. An entry on the fine rolls in the preceding autumn noted the presence of John Marshal, an executor of William junior, in Ireland; John had set out to receive Eleanor’s dower there (CFR, 1230–1, no. 311). This entry is indicative of the lengthy process and delays involved in securing her Irish dower.
30
The Archbishop of Dublin was sent another letter along similar lines: ibid., pp. 144–5.
31
D. A. Carpenter (1980), ‘The Fall of Hubert de Burgh’, Journal of British Studies, 19, 1–17; B. Weiler (2007), Kingship, Rebellion and Political Culture: England and Germany, c. 1215–c.1250. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 13–14.
32
Vincent, Peter des Roches, pp. 3
03–20.
33
Wendover, iii, p. 34.
34
Richard witnessed no fewer than twenty-eight royal charters between July 1232 and April 1233: Vincent, Peter des Roches, pp. 310–11.
35
CR, 1231–4, pp. 233, 310. See also TNA: PRO KB 26/159, mm. 2d–3d for a later legal dispute that recalled the terms of Richard’s settlement with Eleanor, and which dated it to 29 July 1232 (16 Henry III).
36
For the troubles that a later absentee landlady and widow encountered in Ireland, see C. O’Cléirigh (1996), ‘The Absentee Landlady and the Sturdy Robbers: Agnes de Valence’, in C. E. Meek and M. K. Simms (eds), The Fragility of her Sex? Medieval Irish Women in their European Context. Dublin: Four Courts Press, pp. 101–18.
37
See pp. 78–9.
38
KB 26/159, m. 3d.
39
CR, 1231–4, p. 310.
40
Vincent, Peter des Roches, pp. 318, 327–31, 334–9; Weiler, Kingship, pp. 14–15.
41
Vincent, Peter des Roches, pp. 339, 372, 375.
42
Ibid., pp. 387-9.
43
CR, 1231–4, p. 310.
44
Ibid., p. 233.
45
Green, Lives, ii, p. 60.
46
Ibid.
47
See p. 79.
48
Mabel was to enjoy the forge just as she was accustomed to have it in the reign of King John and his predecessors: CPR, 1227–31, p. 451.
49
J. Birrell (2006), ‘Procuring, Preparing, and Serving Venison in Late Medieval England’, in C. M. Woolgar, D. Serjeantson and T. Waldron (eds), Food in Medieval England. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 176–88, at pp. 178–80. J. Birrell has calculated that between William Marshal junior’s death in 1231 and 1235, for example, Henry III provided Eleanor with no fewer than 181 deer in total – or between 30 and 46 deer a year – from the royal forests, but conflates entries relating to Eleanor and her cousin Eleanor of Brittany: ibid., pp. 186.
50
CR, 1227–31, p. 528 (five deer); CR, 1231–34, pp. 9 (five deer), 79 (six deer), 92 (two deer), 167 (ten deer), 217 (three deer), 218 (five deer), 224 (five deer), 226 (five deer), 253 (ten deer).
Eleanor de Montfort: A Rebel Countess in Medieval England Page 22
